By David Ruppe
Global Security Newswire
Arms control advocates are speculating that a new review of U.S. nuclear weapon policy will call for keeping large numbers of strategic forces on a Cold War state of high alert and will not make major arsenal cuts.
They also believe the Bush administration may have developed new rationales for using nuclear weapons in a combat.
Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld last week suggested new policies, the product of a congressionally mandated Nuclear Posture Review, would amount to a “significant change” in how the military uses its nuclear weapons and would include “deep reductions” in the U.S. arsenal.
The details of the review are contained in a classified document and are not yet publicly known, but Rumsfeld suggested an unclassified version would be soon released and Pentagon spokesman Lt. Col. Michael Humm told Global Security Newswire Friday it would happen this week.
Artificial Reductions? …
Arms control proponents say their concerns stem largely from U.S. Strategic Command (STRATCOM) pressures.
In July congressional testimony, then-STRATCOM Commander in Chief, Navy Admiral Richard Mies argued forcefully against further cuts in the U.S. arsenal and against taking U.S. forces down from their current state of alert.
His positions appeared somewhat at odds with those of President George W. Bush, who has supported major cuts.
In November, Bush and Russian President Vladimir Putin met in Crawford, Texas, where they announced “substantial” joint reductions in nuclear arms, but did not specify how they would occur [See GSN, Nov. 14].
Bush announced reductions down to 1,700-2,200 “operationally deployed strategic warheads” over a decade, which would appear to be around the 2,000-2,500 goal set by Russian and U.S. Presidents Boris Yeltsin and Bill Clinton in 1997.
Joseph Cirincione of the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace in Washington, however, believes the administration may fudge the reductions by simply not counting submarines or bombers that are in overhaul to meet the proposed limit.
By defining the numbers as such, the count could exclude warheads that are on submarines or bombers normally rotated through overhaul, “because they’re not ‘operationally deployed,’” said Cirincione.
“At any given time we have one or two Trident submarines in overhaul, 192 warheads on each boat, that’s 384 warheads that you can take off the top,” he said. “It doesn’t indicate any actual reduction in the force, it’s just a change in the accounting method.”
… Or Real Accomplishment?
Rose Gottemoeller, a former Clinton administration arms control official also with Carnegie, however, thinks “from a public presentation point of view” the announced reductions were a significant accomplishment for Bush.
The number “2,000 was always the kind of major barrier below which the U.S. could not go,” she said. “I think they probably had to press the bureaucracy to get it.”
The number is significant because conventional wisdom has held that if the U.S. reduced below 2,000 warheads, it would not be able to sustain its strategic triad of land-based intercontinental ballistic missiles, submarine-launched ballistic missiles, and strategic bombers.
Certain cuts may be camouflaged, she said, but “that’s often been the case with arms control agreements, the public presentation is very enthusiastic but both sides hedge their bets.”
De-linking Force Size With Threats
Perhaps of greater concern to arms controllers is that the STRATCOM chief, in his testimony, endorsed an emerging view of U.S. nuclear doctrine and strategy that de-emphasizes Russia as a potential threat and justifies force levels based upon unspecified threats that might or might not emerge in the future.
The new view is outlined in an influential January 2001 report produced by the National Institute for Public Policy. Click here to read NIPP report.
Nuclear force posture, that report said, should be determined by considering factors, such as “current and potential threats, U.S. deterrence and wartime goals, nuclear targeting strategy and warhead options, enemy active and passive defenses, conventional strike capabilities, and third country use.”
While the report acknowledged the absence of Russia as a nuclear challenger, it essentially argued for maintaining a substantial capability to deal with unidentified threats of the future: “It is not now possible to predict with confidence future deterrence requirements. The future may prove to be far more dangerous than benign.”
Mies, who left the command Nov. 30, said in his July testimony: “We must preserve sufficient deterrent capability to respond to future challenges, to provide a cushion against imperfect intelligence and surprises, and to preserve a reconstitution capability as a hedge against unwelcome political or strategic developments.”
One major recommendation of the January report Mies did not directly address is that nuclear weapons could be used in increasing roles, including for deterring all weapons of mass destruction, not just nuclear, for use in other regions and for attacking deep underground or biological weapons targets.
Mies in his written testimony, however, lauded the study, calling it a “good blueprint to adopt.”
Study director and NIPP President Keith Payne was made a co-chair of an advisory panel on nuclear deterrence concepts last year, which helped produce the Nuclear Posture Review, Inside the Pentagon reported in October.
Questions Over Usage
Stan Norris, a senior National Resources Defense Council analyst, disagrees with the logic that without Russia as a threat, the United States can justify maintaining a large nuclear arsenal.
“The Soviet Union is no more, we are told Russia is not our enemy and Putin is big buddies with the president, which is all to the good. But we continue to do things, though, that belie that,” he said.
The 1995 Nuclear Posture Review established that the START II 3,500-warhead level would be required for deterring a hostile Russia, by holding at risk a range of assets valued by its political and military leaders. Click here to read a Pentagon summary of that review.
De-alerting
The STRATCOM chief also opposed taking U.S. strategic forces down from their current state of alert.
Under the current state, according to Cirincione, there are approximately 2,000 weapons ready to launch on 15 minutes’ notice of an incoming attack, “the Cold War standard.”
“To do that requires a very high state of alert,” he said. “If you were to change that to being able to launch a smaller number of your missiles for example under those extreme conditions, say 10, or 50, and extend the other ones to say days or weeks, this would make your nuclear forces less prone to accident or miscalculation and a safer force to operate.”
Mies, in his testimony, argued against de-alerting forces, saying it could increase the vulnerability of the U.S. arsenal vulnerable, “create a premium for attacking first,” and could provide an incentive for a potential foe to rearm.
He said “multiple, stringent” safeguards are in place to guard against an accidental or inadvertent launch.
Norris, on the other hand, said having U.S. forces on high alert, and building a national missile defense program that could protect the U.S. arsenal, could only encourage Russia and China also to maintain their forces on high alert.
Indian Defense Minister George Fernandes said recently that India would not consider using nuclear weapons unless it was under nuclear attack.
“India will never be the first one to use nuclear weapons,” Fernandes said in an interview published yesterday in the German newspaper Welt am Sonntag. The statement came as tensions have increased between nuclear-armed India and Pakistan since terrorists attacked the Indian Parliament on Dec. 13. Fernandes called the attack “a crime of a greater scope” than the Sept. 11 attacks on the United States.
Fernandes said Pakistan is responsible for the terrorist attack and that it had conducted a “war by proxy against India” for 12 years by training and equipping terrorists. India killed 1,990 terrorists in 2001, Fernandes said. He added that India and Pakistan could “take joint action” against terrorism if Pakistani President Gen. Pervez Musharraf ended his support for attacks on India (Welt am Sonntag, Jan. 6 in BBC Monitoring, Jan. 7).
Latest Developments
Meanwhile, Pakistan has arrested hundreds of people suspected of having links to militant Islamic groups in response to the attack on India’s Parliament, which killed 14 people (see GSN, Jan. 4). Indian officials questioned whether those arrested were militant leaders and how long Pakistan would detain them.
Pakistan would consider extraditing non-Kashmiri suspects to India if evidence against them were provided, Pakistani foreign ministry official Aziz Khan said yesterday (Eric Bellman, Wall Street Journal, Jan. 7).
Pakistan has refused to extradite more than 20 people, mostly Indians, that India has said were part of terrorist or criminal activities in India, the New York Times reported today. Musharraf said India should provide Pakistan with evidence against the suspects, and Pakistan would prosecute them.
India yesterday shot down an unmanned Pakistani spy plane that had crossed into the Indian state of Jammu and Kashmir and fallen on Pakistani territory, according to Indian officials. Pakistan denied that the plane went down.
Are the Countries Talking?
Indian Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee continued to refuse to participate in official talks with Pakistan until India was convinced Pakistan had shut down militant groups operating against Kashmir and India. Vajpayee and Musharraf met for a few minutes during a conference of South Asian countries in Katmandu last weekend but did not discuss anything “significant,” Vajpayee said (see GSN, Jan. 3).
Pakistani officials, however, indicated that discussions occurred behind the scenes, the Times reported. The countries’ foreign ministers met for almost an hour Saturday, although neither country would say what they discussed. Pakistani Foreign Affairs Minister Abdus Sattar and Indian National Security Adviser Brajesh Mishra were filmed looking at a document at the convention, and Musharraf indicated they were discussing something important, the Times reported.
India, however, has tried to keep pressure on Pakistan to act against militant groups by refusing official talks, according to the Times.
“I don’t think Pakistan is prepared to renounce the use of cross-border terrorism as an instrument of policy toward India,” said Nirupama Rao, a spokeswoman for India’s ministry of external affairs (Celia Dugger, New York Times, Jan. 7).
South Asian Anti-Terrorism Agreement
Meanwhile, members of the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation agreed yesterday at the Katmandu conference to change their laws to conform to the recent U.N. Security Council resolution requiring countries to fight terrorism (see GSN, Dec. 5). The resolution that the SAARC countries adopted condemns terrorism and calls upon members to increase cooperation, Star News TV reported, according to United Press International. Both Vajpayee and Musharraf attended the conference (United Press International, Jan. 6).
India and the United States Agree to Share Intelligence
India and the United States have agreed to exchange military intelligence related to terrorism, said a defense ministry official, according to the Associated Press. The two countries developed an outline of the agreement last month when U.S. Undersecretary of Defense Douglas Feith visited India, the official said. The countries are expected to sign the agreement when Fernandes visits the United States later this month, according to a Hindustan Times report the official said he could not confirm (Associated Press, Jan. 7).
International Atomic Energy Agency inspectors are scheduled Jan. 12 to begin a weeklong visit to a North Korean isotope production laboratory, a government source told Agence France-Presse. Officials announced in early December North Korea would allow the limited inspection in the Yongbyong nuclear complex north of Pyongyang (see GSN, Dec. 3).
The IAEA welcomed the offer to tour the isotope facility, but said it falls far short of the agency's goal. The agency wants to inspect facilities from North Korea’s nuclear weapons program, which the country agreed to freeze in 1994 in exchange for construction of two light-water nuclear reactors.
The agency has said it wants full access to the Yongbyong site, where many experts suspect North Korea produced weapon-grade plutonium. North Korea has said it would refuse to allow the IAEA access to those sites until the international consortium building the reactors—the Korean Peninsula Energy Development Organization—completes a significant portion of the project (Agence France-Presse, Jan. 7).
North Korea Opposes KEDO Communication Satellite
Meanwhile, a senior North Korean official said last week that North Korea opposes a KEDO proposal to construct an independent satellite communication system, according to Seoul Yonhap. The satellite would allow South Korea to link to the KEDO construction site in North Korea (see GSN, Nov. 9).
North Korean officials opposed the proposal during KEDO-North Korea negotiations in November because of security concerns, Yonhap reported. KEDO planned to continue attempts to persuade North Korea to allow the communication system, the official said, adding that the system was "essential for constructing the nuclear reactors" (Seoul Yonhap, Jan. 3 in FBIS-EAS, Jan. 4).
Former Iranian President Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani said Iran would not attempt to obtain or use weapons of mass destruction, EFE News Service reported today.
“Despite the fact that the Islamic Republic of Iran is one of the most important countries in the weapons industry, it has never tried to acquire nonconventional arms, and will not do so,” Rafsanjani said (EFE News Service, Jan. 7).
Rafsanjani last month attacked the United States and the United Kingdom for seeking to arm Israel with weapons of mass destruction while blocking Islamic countries from trying to obtain the same. He also said that the Islamic world could survive a nuclear war with Israel. “The use of even one nuclear bomb inside Israel will destroy everything,” Rafsanjani said. “However, it will only harm the Islamic world. It is not irrational to contemplate such an eventuality” (BBC Worldwide Monitoring, Dec. 15).
The U.S. Defense Department wants to increase its fiscal 2003 budget by almost $20 billion, part of which would help fund programs to refit Trident submarines, the New York Times reported today.
Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld has said he would use the fiscal 2003 defense budget to “transform” the military, according to the Times. One such program would convert Trident submarines to carry cruise missiles equipped with conventional weapons, instead of the current nuclear-armed ballistic missiles (see GSN, Dec. 7).
The proposed increase would also help fund stockpiling efforts of weapons guided by lasers and satellites, “bunker-busting” munitions and the development of new weapons systems, such as the U.S. army’s Crusader mobile artillery unit, the Times reported.
“There is a real necessity to do something we didn’t really address in the last budget, which is ramp up procurement,” said Undersecretary of Defense Dov Zakheim. “It’s got to go up.”
The new proposed increase is less than the $33 billion increase that Congress approved last year. The new proposal, however, comes at a time when federal agencies are being told to trim their budgets, the Times reported.
White House Budget Director Mitchell Daniels told the Defense Department to reduce an earlier, larger proposed increase, Congressional officials said. Daniels has said, however, that the White House will agree to a major increase in the Pentagon budget.
“The reconstruction of our defenses, which started in the [fiscal 2002] budget, will continue with perhaps more urgency,” Daniels recently said.
Democrats are expected to support the Pentagon budget increase, congressional officials said. “All of us understand that our first obligation is to defend the nation, and we’re going to make certain that the resources are available to do that,” said Senate Budget Committee Chairman Kent Conrad (D-N.D.). “At the same time, every part of the federal government understands we can’t be giving blank checks,” Conrad added (James Dao, New York Times, Jan. 7).
A Russian company has begun work on two nuclear reactors for the Kudankulam power plant in India, ITAR-Tass reported Thursday (see GSN, Nov. 13).
The Izhora Plants joint-stock company has started construction on two VVER-1000 reactors, which can produce 1,000 megawatts each. Construction of the reactor casing will take three years, ITAR-Tass reported. The reactor construction is part of deal signed between India and Russia in November (ITAR-Tass, Jan. 3 in FBIS-SOV, Jan. 3).
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