By Greg Seigle Global Security Newswire
WASHINGTON — The U.S. Army has been rehearsing its WMD response capabilities at its nearly 100 installations around the world, and wants to assume a greater role in preparing U.S. cities for any chemical or biological attacks, the commander of the Army’s Soldier and Biological Chemical Command said yesterday.
Speaking at a bioterrorism conference of military, state and local officials from across the nation, Maj. Gen. John Doesburg said the United States might soon be able to adequately respond to attacks involving weapons of mass destruction “within a day” if it uses all its resources.
“We’ve got it down to about three days, four days tops,” Doesburg said, referring to realistic response drills his command has been running at various Army posts since Sept. 11. “Imagine what we could do if we used all our national resources.”
The key to a WMD response, Doesburg said, is having military, state and local officials already used to working together. Such preparations would be best achieved if active military units with nuclear, biological and chemical expertise were given a greater role in helping prepare state and local officials for such an attack, he said.
“Who’s going to execute this?” Doesburg asked. “I’d like to say we are, but I only own a small piece of the pie.”
Currently the Pentagon has assigned 24 National Guard “rapid response” teams to assist first responders, with eight more being trained or organized (see GSN, Feb. 8). Each team consists of 22 full-time soldiers trained to identify and protect against nuclear, biological or chemical weapons and to assess the needs of first responders — firefighters, doctors and other emergency personnel.
Pooling Resources
The National Guard teams are needed, but they would not be enough in the event of a major WMD attack, Doesburg said. Rather, they should merely be a part of a large-scale military rescue response, he said.
“We need to pool the resources of the Defense Department and, yes, first responders,” Doesburg said.
All four of the armed services have chemical and biological protection units, with the Army and Marine Corps possessing the most assets. These small units, which would need to be dramatically beefed up to assume a civil defense mission, would be ideal to lead a federal response after any WMD attacks, Doesburg said.
The active duty military units could use their command and control structure to coordinate any emergency responses by federal, state and local authorities, he said. “They would be able to respond and get the right assets to the scene … quickly and rapidly identifying agents,” he said.
“We need to figure out how to best deploy the talents and skills of the [military chemical and biological] commands,” Doesburg said. “It’s a tough mission and I don’t have a lot of answers.”
Since Sept. 11 the Army Soldier and Biological Chemical Command has formulated and practiced a plan to respond to any weapons of mass destruction incidents at any Army facility, a plan that could serve as guidance for civilian emergency responses, he said.
Before then there was no set plans for the Army chemical and biological units to rapidly mobilize and react to such a WMD scenario. Now the Army units have drastically reduced the amount of time they would need to respond, Doesburg said. They hope to soon have their response times down to a day, he added.
“We’re going to provide a basic level of capability to every [Army] installation,” Doesburg said.
WMD Does Not Discriminate
Currently the Army has 67 posts in the United States and its two U.S. territories, Puerto Rico and Guam, with another 25 installations interspersed around the globe — mostly in South Korea, Japan and European countries, but also Kuwait and Afghanistan. There are dozens more National Guard and Army Reserve installations.
Preparing Army posts for any WMD assaults can only be done with the help of local fire and rescue groups, he said.
“If [an attack] involves terrorism or weapons of mass destruction, it doesn’t stop at a fence line. Chemical and biological weapons don’t discriminate,” Doesburg said, noting that local authorities will also be scrambling to protect their own populace.
“We can win the war on terrorism,” he added. “Before long we could have it so my parents in Iowa don’t have to worry anymore about chemical or biological weapons … we have all the resources both inside and outside the government.”
The Bush administration is reportedly exploring options to overthrow Iraqi President Saddam Hussein and is preparing for whatever diplomatic and military actions might be necessary, according to reports today. No decision has been made on how and when such actions will occur (see GSN, Feb. 12).
A senior Bush administration official told Iraqi opposition group leaders recently that U.S. President George W. Bush has decided to topple Hussein. “We were told that the president has made up his mind: Saddam has to go,” an opposition official said.
The United States is considering several options, U.S. Secretary of State Colin Powell said yesterday during Senate Budget Committee testimony.
“With respect to Iraq, it has long been, for several years now, a policy of the United States government that regime change would be in the best interests of the region, the best interests of the Iraqi people,” he said. “And we are looking at a variety of options that would bring that about” (Gordon/Sanger, New York Times, Feb. 13).
Powell’s recent rhetoric indicating a hard-line U.S. stance against Iraq is significant because he has been viewed as a cautious voice in the administration, according to the New York Times. Powell’s repeated reference to Iraq, Iran and North Korea as an “axis of evil,” following Bush’s State of the Union address last month, indicates the Bush administration has reached consensus that Hussein must go, the Times reported.
“It’s hard to imagine Colin saying those words on his own a month ago,” said a senior administration official. “Either he’s come into agreement with everyone else, or he’s decided to embrace the policy in hopes that, from the inside, he can control and modify it.”
Creating an Inspection Crisis
The administration plans to create an inspection crisis coinciding with the deadline for revising U.N. sanctions against Iraq at the end of May, the Times reported (see GSN, Feb. 11.
Officials believe Hussein will refuse to allow U.N. weapons inspectors to return to Iraq or will attempt to drag out the issue, according to the Times. Iraqi refusal to accept inspectors would provide the United States with a reason to call for strong action (David Sanger, New York Times, Feb. 13).
“If we put sanctions in place in May, then it gets harder for Iraq to make the case that it should not allow weapons inspectors,” said a senior administration official. “But we know that it is only [a] matter of time before the weapons inspectors get stopped, and we have yet another bit of proof that Saddam will never give up.”
That would likely lead to a U.S. military campaign, and the United States could both encourage rebellions within Iraq and attack with U.S. military force.
How and When?
The military and other U.S. leaders have not concluded exactly how or when the campaign will occur, however. The military has not prepared a final plan, said Gen. Tommy Franks, head of the U.S. Central Command.
Administration officials agreed an attack would not take place for several months, at least until the May sanctions deadline, the Times reported. The Defense Department would need several months to end the campaign in Afghanistan and plan for striking Iraq, said one senior administration official.
Several difficult problems lie in the way of a U.S. campaign against Iraq, particularly the possibility that Iraq could use weapons of mass destruction against U.S. forces or Israel, the Times reported (Gordon/Sanger, New York Times, Feb. 13).
Opposition from Allies
Another problem for the United States is opposition from several allies against going to war with Iraq.
The United States has indicated it is willing to fight Iraq without significant allied support. “There may be times when we have to act alone,” Powell said. “We can’t have our national interest constrained by the view of the coalition.”
“At some point … the Europeans with butterflies in their stomachs — many of whom didn’t want us to go into Afghanistan — will see that they have a bipolar choice: they can get with the plan or get off,” said a senior administration official (Sanger, New York Times, Feb. 13).
European leaders including German Foreign Minister Joschka Fischer, who has a pro-U.S. reputation, criticized the “axis of evil” phrase and U.S. intentions to attack Iraq, according to the Times (see GSN, Feb. 8).
Fischer said the United States should not treat its allies as satellite states. “The international coalition against terror is not the foundation to carry out just anything against anybody, and particularly not on one’s own,” he said. “All the European foreign ministers see it that way.”
French Foreign Minister Hubert Vedrine, French Prime Minister Lionel Jospin and European Union Foreign Affairs Commissioner Christopher Patten have also criticized recent U.S. unilateralist tendencies (Steven Erlanger, New York Times, Feb. 13).
Russian President Vladimir Putin also warned the United States against expanding the war on terrorist to Iraq without strong evidence Iraq was involved in the Sept. 11 attacks (see GSN, Feb. 6). Without “incontrovertible evidence … “there can be no attack,” he said (Mara Bellaby, Associated Press, Feb. 12).
New Attention, Same Old Concerns
Despite all the recent attention on U.S. plans regarding Iraq since Bush’s speech last month, U.S. concerns about Hussein are not new, Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld said yesterday.
The United States has maintained no-fly zones over northern and southern Iraq and continually demanded that Hussein allow weapons inspectors to return, he said (Kathleen Rhem, American Forces Press Service/Defense Department news, Feb. 12).
Iran and North Korea
Although Bush included Iran and North Korea with Iraq in an “axis of evil,” the United States hopes to continue diplomatic discussions with Iran and North Korea, Powell said. “With respect to Iran and with respect to North Korea, there is no plan to start a war with these nations,” he said (Gordon/Sanger, New York Times, Feb. 13).
Contrary to some predictions, it would be extremely easy for the United States to defeat Iraq and oust Iraqi President Saddam Hussein, wrote Ken Adelman, director of the U.S. Arms Control and Disarmament Agency under former U.S. President Ronald Reagan, in a column today for the Washington Post (see related GSN story, today).
Adelman gave four reasons why any U.S. military operation against Iraq would be a “cakewalk.” The first is that it was relatively easy for the United States to defeat Iraq in the 1991 Gulf War.
Adleman quoted a report from the Brookings Institution that said Iraq currently has 400,000 active duty troops and 100,000 in the elite Iraqi Republican guard. These Republican Guard forces “would probably fight hard against the United States — just as they did a decade ago during Desert Storm.”
“Somehow I missed that,” Adelman wrote. “I do remember a gaggle of Iraqi troops attempting to surrender to an Italian film crew. The bulk of the vaunted Republican Guard either hunkered down or was held back from battle.”
The second reason the United States would easily defeat Iraq is that the Iraqi military has become significantly weaker since 1991, according to Adelman. The Iraqi army is one-third the size it was during the Gulf War and still relies heavily on Soviet-era tanks. The Iraqi air force, which was small in 1991, is half its former size today, Adelman wrote. He added that the Iraqi military has also received little to no weapons upgrades, spare parts or training.
While the Iraqi military has become weaker, the U.S. military has gained in strength since the Gulf War, as has been demonstrated by the recent conflict in Afghanistan, according to Adelman. Two of the biggest improvements to the U.S. military have been the rise of precision bombing and battlefield intelligence, Adelman wrote, noting that more than 80 percent of the ordnance used in Afghanistan consisted of smart bombs.
The last factor that significantly improves the U.S. chance for victory in a military confrontation with Iraq is the United States’ strengthened conviction after the Sept. 11 attacks, according to Adelman.
At the eve of the Gulf War, former U.S. President George Bush faced strong opposition from Democrats and a divided public, which led to a need for a strong international coalition. Today, however, President George W. Bush “does not need to amass rinky-dink nations as ‘coalition partners’ to convince the Washington establishment that we’re right,” Adelman wrote, adding that in today’s climate U.S. citizens know the value of the war on terrorism.
“Hussein constitutes the number one threat against American security and civilization,” Adelman wrote. “Unlike Osama bin Laden, he has billions of dollars in government funds, scores of government research labs working feverishly on weapons of mass destruction — and just as deep a hatred of America and civilized free societies.”
“Once President Bush clearly announces that our objective is to rid Iraq of Hussein, and our unshakable determination to do whatever it takes to win, defections from the Iraqi army may come even faster than a decade ago,” Adelman wrote (Ken Adelman, Washington Post, Feb. 13).
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