By Kerry Boyd Global Security Newswire
Recent U.S. proposals to expand post-Cold War programs could provide experience and technology to improve the security of nuclear arsenals in Pakistan and India, but adapting the programs to circumstances in South Asia might be difficult, analysts told Global Security Newswire last week.
U.S. Senator Richard Lugar (R-Ind.) said earlier this month that he intends to propose legislation to expand U.S. Cooperative Threat Reduction programs — established to help former Soviet states dismantle and secure nuclear materials and facilities — to countries including Pakistan and India.
“The precise replication of the [CTR] program will not be possible everywhere, but a satisfactory level of accountability, transparency, can and must be established in every nation with a WMD program,” Lugar said in a Council on Foreign Relations speech (see GSN, March 5).
The United States and other countries with applicable knowledge should offer assistance to Pakistan and India to help them ensure the security of various nuclear assets, said Robert Einhorn, a senior analyst at the Center for Strategic and International Studies and former assistant secretary of state for nonproliferation.
“There’s no reason that any process that has worked in Russia couldn’t work well in any other country,” said Jon Wolfsthal of the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace.
Start Simple
Although Pakistan’s command and control system works well, India and Pakistan could learn a lot from the U.S. experience of managing its own nuclear capability and avoiding nuclear war with the Soviet Union, said Brigadier Feroz Khan, director of the Arms Control and Disarmament Affairs Division of the Pakistani Joint Services Headquarters.
“Why must I learn something that was already learned in the 1950s and 60s?” he said.
U.S. advisors should help both countries install more sophisticated locks, fool-proof communication systems and other means to prevent unauthorized access to and use of weapons, Khan said (see GSN, Nov. 29, 2001).
Any assistance, however, must not be in a context of weakness and must not violate the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty or other legal requirements, Khan said.
“No one’s asking for nuclear weapon designs,” he said.
Personnel Reliability
Khan and Wolfsthal both suggested that the United States could help improve ways to ensure loyalty and reliability of personnel with access to nuclear materials and facilities (see GSN, Oct. 1, 2001).
The United States — which uses techniques also used by banks, government and other entities that require a loyal and stable work force — has provided its experience developing a personnel reliability program to Russia, said Wolfsthal.
U.S. measures include drug tests, credit history checks and lie-detector tests to ensure that workers with access to sensitive materials are loyal, stable and do not have weaknesses that could allow someone to blackmail or tempt them, said Wolfsthal.
Pakistan already has some technology and procedures to ensure proper control, such as identity cards and coded locks, Khan said. He added that the country could, however, benefit by learning more about the U.S. personnel reliability system, as could India and Israel — the other two nuclear powers outside the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty regime.
Nuclear Risk Reduction Centers
The United States can also offer assistance beyond CTR-type efforts. One important measure is to establish crisis prevention centers, Khan said. “South Asia is endemic to crisis” and needs a method to deal with tense situations, he said.
Pakistan and India should establish nuclear risk reduction centers in Islamabad and New Delhi similar to the ones in Moscow and Washington, Khan said.
Nuclear risk reduction centers are “a good idea,” said Einhorn. “It’s a modest confidence-building measure that can provide a vehicle for exchanging information that could help defuse a crisis.”
The United States and former Soviet Union established two Nuclear Risk Reduction Centers in 1988 to provide “direct, reliable, high-speed systems for the transmission of notifications and communications at the government-to-government level,” according to a U.S. State Department summary.
The two centers exchange information, such as notifications of ballistic missile launches, in accordance with treaties and confidence-building agreements.
A South Asian center might include a combination of diplomats, scientists and military officials with regular meetings between Indian and Pakistani officials, Khan said.
Potential Problems
Concerns exist, however, that threat reduction programs might not work in South Asia due to Pakistani and Indian distrust of U.S. intentions, some analysts said.
“I think we should be realistic about what the Pakistanis and Indians are prepared to accept in the way of help from other countries,” said Einhorn. Pakistan and India do not trust each other, and they are unlikely to provide U.S. personnel access to certain nuclear facilities, he said.
CTR programs between the United States and Russia followed decades of interactions between U.S. and Soviet, and then Russian, officials that created a level of confidence and comfort allowing some access, Einhorn said. That is not the case in South Asia. Despite those potential difficulties, the United States should still offer assistance, he said.
The techniques and approach of the CTR program in the former Soviet Union are applicable to South Asia, but the program may not be politically workable, Wolfsthal said. India and Pakistan are “paranoid about U.S. intentions,” he said. “There’s a lot of skepticism about our intentions.”
The principle behind the CTR program — that many unsecure nuclear weapons were left in the former Soviet Union — does not apply to Pakistan, Khan said.
The regional context in South Asia and lack of cooperation between India and Pakistan create a very different situation. Khan emphasized that he supports the concept of CTR but is unsure whether it applies to South Asia.
Tension to Dialogue
In any case, proposals for U.S. assistance and South Asian cooperation face a serious obstacle in the current mobilization of Pakistani and Indian forces after a Dec. 13 attack on the Indian Parliament.
Tension reduction measures are most needed but are particularly difficult in such a climate, Einhorn said. The situation might have to calm down before India and Pakistan can begin serious dialogue, but in the meantime, the United States can “float ideas” and let the two countries “mull them over,” he said.
India and Pakistan should not expect assistance from the United States until the two form some type of cooperative security agreement to prevent misperceptions and escalation, Khan said (see GSN, Feb. 25). India and Pakistan must promise to restrain their forces — both conventional and nuclear, Khan said.
South Asia needs a third party to jumpstart, facilitate and monitor agreements, Khan said. If India and Pakistan reach a restraint agreement, the United States could help provide information on each country’s adherence with an agreement, he said. The United States previously has used information from satellites and other means to prevent crises in South Asia, so why not formalize that role, Khan said.
Some scientists have said that new radiation detecting devices might be of little use in preventing terrorists from detonating a nuclear weapon or “dirty bomb,” the New York Times reported today (see GSN, March 6).
The key to finding a nuclear device is information — without it, “needle in a haystack” does not describe the challenge, said Steven Fetter, a physicist and professor of public policy at the University of Maryland.
“If you tell me there’s a warhead in New York, it’s just hopeless,” Fetter said. “You just hope you never get to the point where you have to track down one of these in a city.”
Under ideal conditions, it is possible to detect a nuclear weapon from more than 200 feet away, but a weapon under terrorist control might be more difficult to find, said Frank von Hippel, a physicist and science policy professor at Princeton University.
A joint U.S.-Russian study in 1989 “showed that U.S. and Soviet warheads were quite detectable,” von Hippel said. “That might not necessarily be true for a terrorist warhead.”
Terrorists could attempt to shield a nuclear device with lead to block emissions that detectors would otherwise pick up, the Times reported. Some of the most dangerous nuclear materials, such as uranium and plutonium necessary for a bomb, emit very little radiation. Natural radiation could also mask a faint signal coming off of a nuclear device, according to the Times.
The best way to prevent nuclear terrorism is to make sure terrorists do not have access to nuclear materials, according to some experts.
“The moral of the story is you lock up nuclear materials as well as you can lock them up,” Fetter said. “Once you let them get out, the problem is a thousand times harder.”
New Sensors
Since Sept. 11, the U.S. National Nuclear Security Administration’s annual budget for the development of radiation sensors has doubled to $20 million, according to the Times. In addition, federal laboratories are spending up to $18 million on the effort, an NNSA spokeswoman said (James Glanz, New York Times, March 18).
Lawrence Berkeley National Laboratory engineers have developed the Cryo-3, a small, 10-pound detector that uses a high-purity germanium crystal to find a radiation source. Photon, X and gamma rays interact with the germanium to create a corresponding charge. The charge is then processed to determine the type and quantity of radioactive isotope present.
The germanium crystal is cooled by the same kind of mechanical cooling device currently used to cool low-noise cell phone antennae. The Cryo-3 can operate for six hours on two camcorder batteries that can be switched while the detector is running, allowing for almost unlimited operational time.
“Whatever you can detect with a germanium crystal, you can detect with the portable system,” said Lorenzo Fabris of Berkeley Laboratory’s Engineering Division. “Ideally, we would be able to place one at any customs port” (U.S. State Department release, March 17).
Researchers at the U.S. Energy Department’s Brookhaven National Laboratory are working on another type of radiation detector, one that would use semiconductor chips that could detect radioactive isotopes through their individual radiation “fingerprints,” according to United Press International.
“You’re after something that’s low-power, battery operated, very compact in size, long-term operation unattended, no maintenance, all those things are going to be required …,” said Ralph James, associated director for energy, environment and national security at Brookhaven. “This (chip) technology really fits the bill.”
One major factor is the ability of a radiation detector to be able to differentiate between naturally occurring radiation and that given off by a terrorist nuclear device, James said.
“What we need is something that can discern special nuclear materials that might be part of something with nuclear yield,” he said. “These are cases of plutonium-239, uranium-235, the ones people know about. (We have to spot these) materials from a wide range of naturally occurring isotopes.”
The new semiconductor chip technology can do just that, James said.
“Just as you can tune your radio to find the frequency of your favorite station, you can identify each isotope by tuning into the unique energies associated with the emissions,” he said. “We can spectrally ‘window’ and determine if (a source) is plutonium-239, a great concern for nuclear weapons, or something like americium-241, which is in practically every smoke detector in the United States” (Scott Burnell, United Press International, March 17).
Who Will Track Down Nuclear Devices?
Any new radiation detectors would be sure to find their way into the hands of the Nuclear Emergency Search Team (NEST), part of the Energy Department’s Nevada Operations Office, which is in charge of responding to a nuclear terrorism threat (see GSN, March 4).
NEST can send about 600 personnel to the site of nuclear terrorism threat, though deployments have so far involved fewer than 45 people, according to the Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists. NEST personnel come from the Nevada operations office, Energy Department laboratories and three private contractors. There are 17 different types of NEST personnel representing a wide range of abilities, including four types of physicists, chemists, mathematicians and communications specialists.
If there is a nuclear terrorist threat, the first step the team takes is to determine its validity. NEST maintains a database on nuclear weapons design information, taken from sources ranging from scientific journals to spy novels, in order to check the technical accuracy of a threat. Psychologists examine the wording and structure of any accompanying communication to determine the mindset of the terrorist and where in the world he or she might have originated.
If it is necessary to respond to a threat, NEST has more than 150 tons of equipment at hand, according to the Bulletin. The team has its own air fleet consisting of four helicopters with radiological search systems and three airplanes equipped for remote sensing missions. NEST can also deploy vans equipped to detect radioactive emissions and has its own graphics agency to disguise the vans and blend in with commercial traffic.
NEST already has in its arsenal handheld nuclear detectors that can be hidden in objects the size of suitcases or briefcases. These detectors can silently alert a NEST member to the presence of a nuclear device through a signal transmitted to the member’s earphone, the Bulletin reported.
NEST also has diagnostic and disablement equipment if a nuclear device is discovered. If it is necessary to disable a nuclear or “dirty” bomb, team members might surround it with explosives and then detonate them or use a 30-millimeter cannon to break the bomb up into tiny pieces. NEST can also build a nylon tent 35 feet high and 50 feet in diameter around a nuclear device, and then pump up to 30,000 cubic feat of foam to limit the spread of radiation (Jeffrey Richelson, Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists, March/April 2002).
Russia might agree to a bilateral arrangement that allows the United States to store some decommissioned nuclear weapons rather than destroy them, said Russian Defense Minister Sergei Ivanov Sunday on NBC’s Meet the Press (see GSN, March 15).
“Part of it may be stored. I don’t argue with that principle,” Ivanov said. “But the devil is in details — how much, how long and how quickly it might go back to operational, and, well, jeopardize strategic stability” (Meet the Press, March 17).
U.S. insistence on an agreement that cuts the two countries’ operational nuclear arsenals to between 1,500 and 2,200 warheads but allows storing some so they could become operational again has been a major point of contention in the latest U.S.-Russia arms talks. Russia said previously that it wanted each side to agree to destroy the decommissioned warheads (Steve Gutterman, Associated Press/Yahoo.com, March 17).
Ivanov’s comments followed an earlier U.S. concession to agree to a legally binding document formalizing the cuts rather than the informal document the Bush administration originally wanted (see GSN, March 14). Exactly what constitutes a legally binding agreement, however, remains an unresolved issue, Ivan Safranchuk, director of the Center for Defense Information’s Moscow office, wrote in a Moscow Times opinion piece.
Russian law states that the Duma must ratify any document dealing with national security and arms reductions, so Russia is pushing for a full treaty that requires Russian and U.S. Senate ratification, according to Safranchuk.
The U.S. Bush administration, however, wants to bypass a Senate ratification requirement by forming an executive agreement.
“The Russian side is hardly likely to agree to a treaty that it must ratify fully, while the United States is under no such obligation,” Safranchuk wrote.
Russian officials have indicated that the United States will concede to the Russian definition of a legally binding document in exchange for Russian acceptance of U.S. plans to store decommissioned warheads, wrote Safranchuk. Russia will likely follow suit and store rather than destroy its warheads.
Verification measures would probably be based on START I and START II, according to Safranchuk (Ivan Safranchuk, Moscow Times, March 18).
Senate Requests Vote on Agreement
U.S. Senators Joseph Biden (D-Del.) and Jesse Helms (R-N.C.), the ranking members of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, sent a letter to Secretary of State Colin Powell Friday demanding that any agreement to cut nuclear warheads be sent to the Senate for ratification.
An agreement on “significant obligations by the United States regarding deployed U.S. strategic nuclear warheads” would “constitute a treaty subject to the advice and consent of the Senate,” the letter said.
“With the exception of the SALT I agreement, every significant arms control agreement during the past three decades has been transmitted to the Senate pursuant to the Treaty Clause of the Constitution,” the senators wrote. “Mr. Secretary, we see no reason whatsoever to alter this practice.”
Three Ways
The U.S. president can formalize a legally binding agreement in three ways, the New York Times reported. One is by executive authority, which does not require congressional consent. The president could also send an agreement to both houses of Congress, and require a majority vote. The third route is to submit a treaty to the Senate, which would need a two-thirds majority to approve it (Thom Shanker, New York Times, March 17).
In talks in New Delhi tomorrow, the United States and India might set aside old issues and focus on bilateral cooperation with missile defense systems and ways to deal with the threat posed by nuclear terrorism, according to the Hindu.
Officials will probably resume discussions on nuclear weapons issues during a visit today by Christina Rocca, U.S. assistant secretary of state for South Asian affairs (see GSN, Feb. 25). Even though Rocca will probably discuss old concerns such as the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty, many such issues have lost their importance, the Hindu reported (see GSN, March 14).
The United States and India have had more than 10 rounds of talks on nuclear issues since India conducted nuclear tests in 1998, the Hindu reported (C. Raja Mohan, Hindu, March 18).
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