By David Ruppe Global Security Newswire
WASHINGTON — The United States spends far more than the rest of the world combined on scientific and technical work to support nuclear arms control and verification, according to a report released yesterday by a British nongovernmental organization.
While other countries combined spend an estimated $50 million to $100 million per year on arms control verification, Washington spends $2 billion, according to Global Spending on Nuclear Disarmament Verification Work, written by researcher Tom Milne for the Verification Research, Training and Information Center in London.
Second-tier spenders include other official nuclear powers such as China, France, Russia and the United Kingdom, but it is hard to pin down exactly how much they spend because of insufficient data, the report says. The United Kingdom spends a fraction of 1 percent of what the United States spends, it says.
Spending by countries other than the United States is “very low,” the report says, especially considering that some non-U.S. funds are spent on safeguarding nuclear materials in Russia, “where there is a clear and present danger and where safeguards cooperation could clearly reduce the danger.”
The report is the first such attempt by VERTIC or by any other organization to survey global nuclear arms verification spending, according to Milne, a Pugwash Conferences on Science and World Affairs researcher contracted by VERTIC to write the report.
More Spending Advocated
The data suggest “that some of the world's richer countries — for example, countries in the European Union, and Japan — should vastly increase the contributions that they are making to safeguarding nuclear materials in Russia,” Milne said. “There are, of course, calls for the United States to increase its already significant programs on Russian nonproliferation.”
Arms control verification and related work can include monitoring for nuclear test explosions, detection of nuclear materials diversion and proliferation, verifying nuclear warhead reduction, managing civilian and military nuclear materials, and researching and developing new technologies.
“Given the importance that countries place on verifying progress in nuclear disarmament, and the very complex and sensitive issues involved, and the need for national expertise to take part in arms control negotiations and so forth, one would think that more money could and should be spent productively outside of the United States,” Milne said.
U.S. Levels “Counterintuitive”
As a reflection of U.S. support for international arms control initiatives, however, the level of U.S. spending can be “somewhat counterintuitive,” said VERTIC researcher Oliver Meier.
“The U.S. spends more than 90 percent of global resources on arms control verification, yet politically it is backing away from multilateral verification regimes,” he said. “The Bush administration has partially withdrawn its support from the CTBT verification regime and blocks progress on other areas like BW [biological weapons] verification.”
The Bush administration is the leading contributor to the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty Organization’s $84 million budget, supporting its nuclear test monitoring efforts and other work with $16 million this year and with several dozen monitoring stations. The U.S. Senate, however, has voted against ratifying the treaty, and President George W. Bush also has said he will not ratify it, calling it unverifiable and withdrawing specific funding for on-site verification of nuclear blasts (See GSN, March 19).
Driven by National Security
The United States appears to have a national security interest in contributing to the organization. It gains access to data collected by monitoring stations of treaty signatories, which number nearly 100 and are expected to rise to 321 in the next five years (see GSN, April 15).
The report says that much U.S. verification spending is driven by general national security initiatives and would continue in the absence of arms control regimes and accords. U.S. satellite and seismic monitoring serve an intelligence and national security function in addition to contributing to treaty verification, Milne said.
The U.S. departments of Defense and Energy have a budget of approximately $1 billion per year each for such work, according to the report. Energy spends the money mainly on research, development and technical analysis that directly support arms control and disarmament through its nuclear weapons laboratories, it says.
U.S. satellite and ground-based detection of nuclear explosions — for which $72 million was budgeted in 2001 — “dwarfs” all other monitoring operations, the report says. Other U.S. agencies, including the State Department, also spend on scientific and technical work related to nuclear arms control and disarmament, though on a much smaller scale, according to the report.
By Mike Nartker Global Security Newswire
WASHINGTON — The U.S. Energy Department and the National Nuclear Security Administration have made progress in improving security at U.S. nuclear weapons facilities, but there are still several issues of concern remaining, the General Accounting Office said in a March report released Tuesday (see GSN, March 29).
Energy and the NNSA have completed 65 percent of the 75 security initiatives begun in 1998, with the remainder scheduled for completion by the end of this year, according to the GAO. Not only will the successful implementation of these new measures help improve security at NNSA facilities, but also will help ensure the success of future initiatives, the report says.
One of the lessons learned in implementing the new security measures is that the perspectives of Energy and NNSA field offices should be considered when the measures are drafted, according to the report. GAO investigators who visited two nuclear weapons facilities found the facilities’ databases on foreign visits and assignments were incompatible with the Energy Department’s database, because of the fast-track approach taken in its creation, the report says.
The report also said Energy and the NNSA need to better communicate security initiatives to facilities. For example, a contractor at a U.S. nuclear weapons laboratory received multiple instructions on cyber security initiatives from a number of Energy Department and NNSA offices, according to the report.
“This lack of clear communication produced confusion at sites about which requirements they needed to implement,” the report says.
A coordinated process within NNSA facilities on enacting new security measures has been found to be beneficial, according to the report. At the Pantex nuclear weapons assembly plant in Texas, new security measures were put into place through a process developed by the entire site security team, unlike the case at two nuclear weapons laboratories where new measures were only implemented by the security teams at areas within the laboratories most affected by the new measures, the report says.
NNSA Progress
The 2-year-old NNSA has made progress in establishing a security organization, according to the report. Two offices on security and counterintelligence are almost fully staffed, and a review of security policies, conducted with Energy, is almost completed. The NNSA has also taken steps to create a “security-oriented culture” within the organization and both headquarters and field sites have conducted short-term security improvement measures and begun more long-term initiatives, the report says.
There are still several issues within the NNSA that need to be resolved, however, in order for the agency to be effective, according to the report. The agency needs to do more to establish clear lines of authority for security oversight, it says. The Energy Department and the NNSA also need to clear up confusion about the roles and the authority of Energy and NNSA security offices, according to the report. Contractors and NNSA field staff have said they have received guidance on security from both Energy and the NNSA, making it difficult to determine which security measures need to be carried out and how to do so, the report says.
The NNSA also needs to further develop ways to evaluate the effectiveness of security initiatives, the report says. The creation of security performance measures could also aid in the preparation of the annual performance plan required to be submitted to the Office of Management and Budget, it says. Lacking these performance measures, however, leaves both the Energy Department and the NNSA without any way to determine the effectiveness of security initiatives, the report says.
“While NNSA is addressing all these issues, clarifying who provides security direction and establishing clear lines of accountability ... for security activities as quickly as possible take on increased importance in the aftermath of the Sept. 11 attacks,” the report says.
U.S. negotiators are standing their ground against Russian pressure to irreversibly destroy nuclear warheads in a U.S.-Russian arms reduction agreement, a senior U.S. Defense Department official said yesterday (see GSN, May 1).
“A point we’ve been trying to make to them is that, in fact, in reality, there’s no such thing as something that’s irreversible,” Assistant Defense Secretary for International Security Policy J.D. Crouch said. “Given enough time, given money, given will, anything can be reversed.”
The issue of nuclear warhead destruction has been only a minor issue during discussions on the proposed arms reduction agreement, Crouch said.
“In general, there’s not a real desire to get into the details of warhead destruction,” he said. “It’s very challenging from a verification standpoint and very intrusive.”
Warhead destruction has not been a part of past strategic arms control agreements because of the difficulties in verification, Crouch said. The Bush administration did not like the idea of creating a formal arms control treaty, but the final arms reduction agreement will probably be a legally binding document that would survive the administrations of U.S. and Russian Presidents George W. Bush and Vladimir Putin, he said.
The final agreement is likely to be different from the Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty, Crouch said, calling START “a good snooze.” The two countries did not need that level of detail in the proposed agreement, he said. The final arms control agreement, however, probably will have verification measures based on those described in START and could go beyond them, Crouch said (Sharon Weinberger, Aerospace Daily, May 2).
South Carolina Governor Jim Hodges filed suit yesterday against the U.S. Energy Department as part of an effort to prevent a shipment of weapon-grade plutonium to the state from the former Rocky Flats nuclear production site in Colorado (see GSN, April 30).
The suit alleges Energy did not properly complete environmental impact studies concerning its plans to convert the plutonium into mixed-oxide fuel at the South Carolina Savannah River site. Hodges’ suit says the department has changed its plans on storing and treating the plutonium so many times that it has violated U.S. environmental law.
The suit seeks an injunction against the plutonium shipments set to begin this month, until the department complies with the law. Conducting proper environmental studies could take six months to a year, Hodges said.
“If we’re successful, there will be a significant delay in their ability to ship plutonium to South Carolina,” Hodges said. “It would throw a significant roadblock in their way.”
Hodges has said he would fight the shipments until the department agrees to a legally binding commitment to remove the nuclear material from the state at some point, rather than leaving it there indefinitely. Energy officials have said they would remove the material, but Hodges wants an agreement filed in court or a law passed by Congress to ensure the department keeps the promise.
Energy Reaction
Despite the suit, the department plans to begin the shipments as early as May 15, Energy spokesman Joe Davis said, calling Hodges’ suit “political grandstanding for the cameras.”
Negotiations between the department and state officials made some progress yesterday, Davis said, adding that the department would continue to try to resolve the conflict.
“We are therefore disappointed that in light of our most recent good faith efforts to satisfy the governor … he chooses instead to run to the courthouse,” an Energy statement said. “This action is totally inconsistent with a desire to work things out.”
Hodges said he still wants to negotiate, and if the department and South Carolina reach an agreement, he will drop the lawsuit.
Congressman Criticizes Governor
The lawsuit will probably fail and complicates efforts to reach an agreement between South Carolina and the department, said U.S. Representative Lindsey Graham (R-S.C.).
The plutonium shipments are vital to national security because a U.S.-Russian agreement requires the plutonium be converted into nonweapon-grade material, Graham said. Therefore, Hodges will probably lose the suit, he said (Sammy Fretwell, State, May 2).
The bilateral agreement calls on the United States and Russia to neutralize 34 metric tons of weapon-grade plutonium. “Turning this weapons plutonium here and in Russia in a nonweapons material will make the world imminently safer, because terrorists can’t get ahold of this stuff,” Graham said. “I think South Carolinians would like to see us do that” (Sammy Fretwell, State, May 1).
Hodges Refused Compromise
The department had agreed to Graham’s proposal to pay $1 million in fines per day — up to $100 million per year — if the plutonium conversion does not work or falls behind schedules, Graham said. The department also said it would remove the plutonium by 2017 if the conversion program fails (Fretwell, State, May 2).
Hodges, however, refused to accept the agreement Tuesday and said the department’s offer did not provide a strong enough commitment. He offered new proposals for resolving the issue, including demanding that the department agree not to ship most of the plutonium to South Carolina until facilities to convert the material are within a year of being completed.
“What’s good enough is a strong piece of legislation and an enforceable agreement with teeth that protects South Carolina,” he said. “And until we get that, I’m not budging.”
Graham disagreed with Hodges’ decision to reject the proposal, saying it is the best deal South Carolina will get from the department. Hodges’ new proposals were made at the last minute, Graham said.
Graham plans to introduce legislation to limit the time the department can store the nuclear material in South Carolina (Fretwell, State, May 1).
Spratt Wants Assurances
Representative John Spratt (D-S.C.), however, said the state needs more assurances the department will not permanently store the plutonium there.
“What the governor is seeking, what I am seeking, is some firm assurance that if plutonium comes to South Carolina, it will be processed expeditiously and be transferred out of state as quickly as possible,” he said (Gene Crider, Rock Hill Herald, April 30).
|