A senior Bush administration official said that, despite doubts within the CIA and FBI, evidence “holds up” that alleged al-Qaeda member and Sept. 11 hijacker Mohamed Atta met with an Iraqi intelligence agent in Prague five months before the attacks on New York and Washington, the Los Angeles Times reported today (see GSN, May 9).
Czech Interior Minister Stanislav Gross said in October 2001 that Atta had flown to Prague in April 2001 and met with Ahmed Khalil Ibrahim Samir al-Ani, a vice consul at the Iraqi Embassy who was later expelled from the Czech Republic on suspicion that he was an intelligence agent. If true, the meeting might provide a link between Iraqi President Saddam Hussein’s regime and al-Qaeda, possibly justifying a U.S. military campaign to overthrow Hussein, according to the Times (see GSN, July 29).
The CIA and FBI, however, decided previously that there is no hard evidence behind the Czech report. There is evidence Atta had “passed through” Prague in 1999 and 2000, and it is possible that he visited again in spring 2001, but there is no hard evidence to substantiate that he met with al-Ani, a U.S. intelligence official said. The CIA has not been asked to reevaluate the case, the official added, and the agency had found “no known support by Saddam for al-Qaeda cells.”
On the other hand, a federal law enforcement official said yesterday that the FBI has been reviewing a possible Atta-Iraq link with “renewed vigor” in the last few weeks. The official said that he does not know whether the FBI has found any clear connections but that the case is one of the “more urgent” priorities.
The administration official said Hussein poses several threats to the United States, including links to international terrorism.
“There is growing evidence that that includes organizations like al-Qaeda. That would be a mortal threat to the United States,” the official said.
Other threats include “spreading terror” in the Middle East by actions such as paying money to the families of Palestinian suicide bombers and posing a “tactical threat,” including firing on U.S. and British planes patrolling U.N.-mandated zones in northern and southern Iraq.
Iraq has “a relationship” with al-Qaeda, U.S. Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld said Tuesday, but he refused to provide details (see GSN, June 21).
“I mean, we’re not on the ground” in Iraq, he said. “But are there al-Qaeda in Iraq? Yes. Are there al-Qaeda in Iran? Yes. Are there al-Qaeda in the United States? Yes” (see GSN, July 12; Bob Drogin, Los Angeles Times, Aug. 2).
Price Tag on Occupying Iraq
Meanwhile, analysts told the Senate Foreign Relations Committee yesterday that maintaining stability in Iraq after a U.S. ouster of Hussein would be expensive and would require years of U.S. involvement. A long-term U.S. commitment would be necessary to prevent Iraq from spiraling into chaos or to avoid the rise of a regime no better than Hussein, panelists said.
“If firm leadership is not in place in Baghdad on the day after [Hussein loses power], retribution, score-settling, blood-letting, especially in urban areas, could take place,” said Phebe Marr, a specialist on Iraq at the National Defense University.
The United States would have to maintain a security force of 75,000 troops in Iraq for at least one year after removing Hussein from power at a cost of $16.2 billion a year, said retired Col. Scott Feil, former head of the Pentagon’s joint staff’s strategy division. At least 5,000 U.S. soldiers would have to stay in Iraq for up to 10 years as peacekeepers, he added (Miami Herald, Aug. 2).
A source familiar with the Pentagon’s planning said Feil’s estimate might be too low. An 80,000-troop force costing $20 billion annually might be necessary, the source said.
A U.S. peacekeeping force in Iraq would have to minimize infighting among Iraqi factions, prevent internal strife from spilling into other countries, secure Iraqi chemical and biological weapons sites, patrol the Iranian border and guard major oil fields, USA Today reported.
Some senators expressed surprise at the potential cost.
“There is an enormous commitment of expense and people for a number of years,” Senator Richard Lugar (R-Ind.) said (John Diamond, USA Today, Aug. 2).
Debate Over Congressional Approval
Meanwhile, two Democratic senators introduced a resolution to the Senate Tuesday to call on the president to obtain congressional statutory authorization or a declaration of war before using military force against Iraq.
“Should Iraq be unwilling to live up to its obligations and the president determines that there is just cause for military action against Iraq, I urge him to come before this Congress, to come before the American people, to make his case and let us in turn discharge our constitutional duty to debate and vote on the authorization of the use of force,” said Senator Dianne Feinstein (D-Calif.), who introduced the resolution (U.S. State Department release, Aug. 1).
U.S. Renews Embargo
U.S. President George W. Bush renewed the U.S. economic embargo against Iraq for another year today.
“I am continuing for one year the national emergency with respect to Iraq,” he said in a letter to Congress, adding that the country “has continued to engage in activities hostile to U.S. interests.”
The United States imposed the sanctions and froze Iraqi assets in the United States after Iraq invaded Kuwait 12 years ago. It has renewed the embargo annually since then (Agence France-Presse/Times of India, Aug. 2).
Iraq yesterday invited a delegation of U.N. inspectors to Baghdad for talks, reversing refusals since 1998 to allow such inspectors into the country (see GSN, July 31).
Several recent U.N.-Iraqi meetings have failed to reach a resolution, but in a letter yesterday to U.N. Secretary General Kofi Annan, Iraqi Foreign Minister Naji Sabri requested further talks “at the earliest agreed time” (Barbara Crossette, New York Times, Aug. 2).
Iraq wants proposed talks with U.N. Monitoring, Verification and Inspection Commission Executive Chairman Hans Blix to focus on outstanding questions about Iraq’s suspected arsenal of weapons of mass destruction and on resolving those questions “when the inspection regime returns to Iraq,” Sabri said (see GSN, July 12). The Baghdad meeting would be in line with Annan’s suggestion in 1998 “to conduct a comprehensive review … and assess the degree of Iraq’s implementation of its obligations,” Sabri added (Associated Press/Baltimore Sun, Aug. 2).
Blix has said that UNMOVIC must return to Iraq to decide on “baselines” for determining whether the country has completed “key disarmament tasks” in accordance with U.N. resolutions (see GSN, Feb. 21).
Skepticism
The Iraqi request offered hope that inspections might resume, but U.N. officials reacted cautiously, the New York Times reported.
Iraqi President Saddam Hussein has tried before to avert disaster, and Iraq’s invitation to inspectors might be a tactic to hold off a major U.S. military campaign, U.N. officials said. Some U.N. diplomats also questioned whether returning inspectors would have any impact if the U.S. leadership is determined to overthrow Hussein (Crossette, New York Times).
Annan sent the letter to the Security Council and will discuss it with council members Monday. “While (Annan) welcomes the letter, which is in line with the agreement to maintain contact …, the procedure proposed is at variance with the one laid down by the Security Council,” U.N. spokesman Fred Eckhard said today.
“He is not predisposed one way or the other; he wants to show it to the council,” Eckhard said” (Jim Wurst, GSN, Aug. 2).
U.S. officials also expressed caution.
“We’re skeptical of the Iraqis’ complying with the Security Council resolutions, but we would welcome any movement,” a U.S. diplomat said last night. The diplomat expressed doubt, however, that Iraq would provide inspectors with unrestricted access to potential WMD sites.
“At this point, they’re just saying Blix can come back. They’re not fulfilling U.N. resolutions,” the diplomat said (Associated Press/Baltimore Sun).
Calls for a U.N. Mandate
While some U.S. officials have said renewed inspections might be futile, some analysts have said any potential U.S. campaign would probably need U.N. support, for which inspections would be key.
“To do this right, you need to give Saddam one clear last ultimatum to agree to a serious U.N. arms inspections policy and allow him a chance to give in,” Michael O’Hanlon of the Brookings Institution said. “Otherwise, you’ve go to do this without international support, and it will be a lot harder.”
Several U.S. allies have requested that the United States secure U.N. support before taking any action against Iraq.
China and Russia yesterday said that the United Nations should take the lead in resolving the Iraqi WMD issue (see GSN, July 9).
“Both sides think the U.N. Security Council should play a major role in the settlement of the Iraq issue,” Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesman Liu Jianchao said after Chinese Foreign Minister Tang Jiaxuan and Russian Foreign Minister Igor Ivanov met during the Association of Southeast Asian Nations forum in Brunei. China and Russia would prefer to “stress the role of the U.N. Security Council,” Liu said when asked whether Russia and China would object to a unilateral U.S. military campaign.
Annan has told the London Al-Hayat newspaper that he has “neither the desire nor the mandate to prepare the ground for military action” against Iraq, Agence France-Presse reported, according to the International Herald Tribune. The U.S. policy of regime change in Iraq is not U.N. policy, and the Security Council has not decided on the issue, Annan added.
Caution
Meanwhile, U.S. senators finished hearings on Iraq yesterday after expressing concern that the Bush administration might be moving too quickly on plans to attack Iraq (see GSN, Aug. 1). Senators said a military operation would have high stakes and costs, would require a plan for maintaining stability in Iraq after Hussein’s removal and would require time to build support for a campaign within and outside the United States.
“If we attack, we’ll win,” Senate Foreign Relations Committee Chairman Joseph Biden (D-Del.) said Wednesday. “But what do we do the day after? We can’t just go in and walk away” (International Herald Tribune, Aug. 1).
For further information, see:
UNMOVIC
U.N. Resolution 687 (Sanctions Regime)
U.N. Resolution 1409 (“Smart Sanctions”)
U.S. State Department Fact Sheet on Iraqi Sanctions Revisions
The U.S. Senate passed a $355.4 billion fiscal 2003 defense appropriations bill yesterday, granting many of President George W. Bush’s requests and $34.4 billion more than fiscal 2002 appropriations (see GSN, Aug. 1).
The bill, passed in a 95-3 vote, includes $6.9 billion for developing a national missile defense system and matches Bush’s request for $417 million to help former Soviet states dismantle and secure nuclear weapons.
In a measure that Bush has said he opposes, the bill would provide $814 million that the president could choose to use for either missile defense, which would match the administration’s full request, or for combating terrorism.
Neither the Senate bill nor the previously passed House bill provides $10 billion for an anti-terrorism contingency fund that Bush requested, according to the Associated Press (see GSN, June 28). Bush has said he wants authority to spend the money, but members of Congress have expressed reluctance to give him the purse strings, according to the AP. Lawmakers might provide the funds later but probably with certain conditions (Alan Fram, Associated Press/Philadelphia Inquirer, Aug. 2).
Despite disagreeing with some measures, Bush said he supported the Senate’s passage of the bill.
“I applaud the Senate for answering my call to quickly pass the defense appropriations bill,” he said (White House statement, Aug. 1).
For further information, see:
MDA Basics of Missile Defense
MDA Missile Defense System
U.S. Missile Defense 2002 Budget
U.S. Defense Department CTR Site
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