By David Ruppe Global Security Newswire
WASHINGTON — The U.S. debate over the Bush administration’s newly released doctrine on pre-emptive military action continued yesterday, as Secretary of State Colin Powell defended the policy yesterday afternoon before a Senate committee (see GSN, Sept. 23).
Counterbalancing Powell, former Secretaries of State Madeleine Albright and Henry Kissinger earlier yesterday told the same committee the administration need not and should not invoke a pre-emptive doctrine to use force against Iraq.
“If a terrorist threat is coming our way, or if there is a nation out there that we know is planning to conduct action against us that we could pre-emptively stop, then I see no reason why the president should not do that,” Powell told the Senate Foreign Relations Committee.
The new doctrine was described in a national security strategy document, released by the administration last week, which called for a reinterpretation of customary international law to allow for pre-emption even when there is no evidence that a threat is imminent (see GSN, Sept. 20).
A number of committee members expressed unease with the doctrine, particularly if it were applied to make war on Iraq.
“I know you don’t want to set a precedent that allows India to say, ‘By the way, Pakistan has done the following, we reserve the right to [act] pre-emptively,’” said committee Chairman Joseph Biden (D-Del.).
“I just want to make sure that anything I vote for is not premised upon the notion that this is a pre-emptive doctrine,” he said, referring to a proposed resolution sent by the White House to Congress last week that would authorize the president to use force against Iraq (see GSN, Sept. 25).
Powell said pre-emption was not included in the resolution.
The draft resolution offered by the White House says: “The president is authorized to use all means that he determines to be appropriate, including force, in order to enforce the United Nations Security Council resolutions referenced above, defend the national security interests of the United States against the threat posed by Iraq, and restore international peace and security in the region.”
U.N. Resolutions As Justification
Congressional leaders are currently negotiating revisions to the draft resolution with advice from the White House (see related GSN story, below). With congressional backing, the administration is hoping to persuade the Security Council to pass a new resolution that would authorize force against Iraq if it continued to fail to comply with numerous previously passed resolutions. Administration officials have said if a new authority is not passed, and the Iraqi regime does not begin abiding by the resolutions, President George W. Bush may choose to make war on Iraq to remove Hussein.
Biden said the new doctrine is not necessary for justifying an attack against Iraq and that Iraqi violations of the U.N. resolutions could provide sufficient justification.
Kissinger and Albright at the earlier hearing agreed on that view.
“I think the issue of pre-emption is a huge issue” and worth discussing, said Albright, “but I think to load this issue now with a major discussion of change in our whole strategic policy is a mistake.”
Kissinger at length made a case for pre-emptive action to deal with WMD threats posed by terrorists who are based in or are supported by foreign states.
He said, however, it is “not an issue that needs to be settled irrevocably now in order to justify action against Iraq.”
Debate Over the Controversy
Powell argued that the pre-emption doctrine should not be considered controversial, as it is not a departure from past U.S. policy. He said the administration was simply placing greater emphasis on an approach used by previous administrations.
The secretary offered as an example cruise missile attacks ordered by former President Bill Clinton on a suspected chemical weapons facility in Sudan.
“It’s not a new doctrine. It’s been around for as long as warfare has been around,” he said. “I can give you example after example in our own history of pre-emptive actions.”
The change, Powell said, is that “pre-emption rises higher in our hierarchy of options,” in order to address terrorist threats that may not be deterred by traditional U.S. means of deterrence.
Senator Paul Sarbanes (D-Md.) questioned Powell’s assertion that there is no dramatic change in the doctrine, asking, “When have we ever launched a war against another country on this basis?”
Powell cited the U.S. invasion of Panama during former President George H.W. Bush’s presidency, which resulted in the removal of Panamian President Manuel Noriega.
Powell further asked, “Where does that document say we’re going to launch a war against a country?” and said the doctrine was “written almost exclusively” to address terrorist threats.
Sarbanes disagreed, saying the document also addresses pre-emption of states, not just of terrorist organizations, “which is a radical change in the heretofore approach to dealing with states.”
The document repeatedly cites new threats posed by “rogue states and terrorists,” and Iraq in particular, as justification for pre-emptive action.
Sarbanes also cited as evidence of the document’s novelty its suggestion international law governing pre-emption be reconsidered.
“I think it’s safe to say that it redefines “imminent threat,” he said. Since the mid-19th century is has been a principle of customary international law that a state may attack another if there is evidence of an imminent and overwhelming threat, such as the massing of armies.
Kissinger in his prepared testimony also suggested the doctrine amounts to a significant change.
“At bottom, it is a debate between the traditional notion of sovereignty of the nation-state prevalent since the Treaty of Westphalia in 1648 and the adaptation required by both modern technology and the nature of the terrorist threat.”
Administration officials have described Iraq daily as a threat to U.S. national security, and said Iraq poses a particular threat because it might decide to share its weapons of mass destruction with terrorists.
“There’s no doubt his hatred is mainly directed at us,” Bush said at a fundraising event last night. “There’s no doubt he can’t stand us. After all, this is a guy that tried to kill my dad at one time.”
Powell Questioned About Other Possible Candidates
Sarbanes asked Powell whether he considered Yemen, Somalia, Indonesia and Iran as candidates for pre-emptive action, noting that Kissinger’s testimony listed those countries as harboring terrorists.
“I’m not putting anybody on a candidate list,” said Powell.
“It depends on what the threat is, the reality of that threat, the proximity of that threat, the danger of that threat, and whether or not a president of the United States should take action to pre-empt or prevent such a threat. And if he has sufficient information that this threat is coming against the United States, and he can take action to prevent it or pre-empt it,” he said.
The United States and United Kingdom agreed on strong language yesterday for a U.N. resolution demanding that Iraqi President Saddam Hussein cooperate with U.N. weapons inspectors (see GSN, Sept. 26).
The new language accuses Hussein of violating past U.N. resolutions and warns of dire consequences, believed to mean military action, if he does not comply with inspections, according to the London Independent. The United States and United Kingdom are expected to submit the resolution to the U.N. Security Council Monday (David Usborne, London Independent, Sept. 27).
France, Russia, China Coordinate Efforts
Meanwhile, the Bush administration stepped up its efforts yesterday to obtain support for its U.N. resolution from the other permanent members of the U.N. Security Council — France, Russia and China. Officials added a British official to a delegation, led by Undersecretary of State Marc Grossman, traveling to Russia and France.
The U.N. resolution is still mainly a U.S. draft, “but we will be peddling the same goods,” a British official said.
As part of the U.S. efforts, Secretary of State Colin Powell spoke to Russian and Chinese foreign ministers yesterday and British and French foreign ministers Wednesday, according to the Washington Post. Powell said he also met yesterday with Chinese Assistant Foreign Minister Zhou Wenzhong to discuss the resolution.
Even though the draft U.N. resolution has not been publicly released, French and Russian officials reacted skeptically yesterday, according to the Post. France has said it would veto a single U.N. resolution authorizing military action against Iraq, a U.S. official said.
Instead, France supports the passage of two U.N. resolutions — one that would establish the conditions for renewed weapons inspections and a second in the event Iraq failed to comply, the Post reported.
French President Jacques Chirac discussed the proposal yesterday with Chinese Prime Minister Zhu Rongji and later with Russian President Vladimir Putin.
Zhu supports Chirac’s proposal, the French president’s spokeswoman said.
“China approves the two-step approach proposed by France for the Iraq problem within the framework of the United Nations,” spokeswoman Catherine Colonna said. Chirac and Putin have also agreed to cooperate on Iraq, she said.
Russia supports using existing U.N. resolutions to resolve disputes with Iraq, Putin said.
“We favor a rapid resolution of the situation around (Iraq) on the basis of existing U.N. Security Council resolutions and in accordance with the principles and norms of international law,” he said (Kessler/Lynch, Washington Post, Sept. 27).
For further information, see:
UNMOVIC
U.N. Resolution 687 (Sanctions Regime)
U.N. Resolution 1409 (“Smart Sanctions”)
U.S. State Department Fact Sheet on Iraqi Sanctions Revisions
White House and congressional negotiators yesterday released a revised version of a draft congressional resolution to authorize military action against Iraq in the event that U.S. President George W. Bush were to determine that diplomatic measures had failed (see GSN, Sept. 25).
The new resolution is a scaled-down version of the Bush administration’s proposal last week, according to the Boston Globe. In the revised resolution, Bush would be required to first inform Congress that military action against Iraq is “necessary and appropriate” and that diplomatic measures had failed in protecting U.S. interests and in ensuring Iraqi compliance with U.N. resolutions, the Globe reported.
The revised resolution also specifically cites the War Powers Resolution, of which the White House’s proposal included no mention, the Globe reported. Under the revised text, Bush would be required to report to Congress every 90 days on “matters relevant to” the resolution.
Senate Majority Leader Tom Daschle (D-S.D.), who has been involved in drafting the revised resolution, called it “a working document.” No final agreement on a resolution has yet been reached, he said (Susan Milligan, Boston Globe, Sept. 27).
“I’m going to do as much as possible to draft a resolution that can be supported by the broadest coalition of senators,” Daschle said. “We have, in my view, come some distance. We’ve got a long way to go before that can be achieved.”
Daschle told fellow Democrats that the current revision is as far as the Bush administration will go in making changes, two Democratic senators said. White House officials and Senate Republicans also said they saw the revision as “take it or leave it.”
Senate Armed Services Committee Chairman Carl Levin (D-Mich.) and other Democrats in the Senate are expected to propose alterative resolutions that would require U.N. action before Bush would be authorized to use force, CNN.com reported (CNN.com, Sept. 27).
Some Democrats in the Senate said they still have concerns over the revised resolution because it would grant Bush the authority to conduct unilateral military action against Iraq (see GSN, Sept. 20).
“It essentially is an authorization for a pre-emptive strike on Iraq. I don’t support that,” said Senator Dianne Feinstein (D-Calif.). “This will be the first time in history the nation will have attacked a sovereign country without being attacked.”
The full Senate might vote on the resolution by the end of next week, according to Daschle. Republican House leaders are also expected to push for a vote by next week, according to the Boston Globe. Some House Democrats, however, said they want to delay any vote to authorize force.
“The 107th Congress shouldn’t send the 108th Congress to war,” said Representative Ellen Tauscher (D-Calif.).
Most Republicans in Congress appear to have chosen to support the resolution or to remain quiet on the issue, according to the Globe. Democrats appear to want a speedy vote to remove the issue from the November elections, the Globe reported.
“A lot of members of Congress are afraid of stopping the president because of the consequences of getting blamed if things go wrong,” Representative Barney Frank (D-Mass.) said (Milligan, Boston Globe).
For further information, see:
UNMOVIC
U.N. Resolution 687 (Sanctions Regime)
U.N. Resolution 1409 (“Smart Sanctions”)
U.S. State Department Fact Sheet on Iraqi Sanctions Revisions
In anticipation of a possible U.S. invasion of Iraq, Kuwait has established an early warning system to detect nuclear, biological and chemical weapons, a Kuwaiti official said yesterday. The system is “part of measures Kuwait adopted some time back to protect itself and residents,” the official said.
U.S. forces also plan to supplement the eight Patriot missile batteries already deployed at key areas in Kuwait, a Kuwaiti defense source said. The country is taking the threat of Iraq’s weapons of mass destruction seriously, Defense Minister Jabir Mubarak al-Hamad al-Sabah said recently.
“History has proved that the Iraqi regime has no moral or political restraint from launching any action against its own people or neighbors,” he said (Fiona MacDonald, Agence France Presse, Sept. 27).
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