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Ambassador for Disarmament Affairs of China
Statement at the Plenary of the Conference on Disarmament
24 February, 2000
GENEVA
Mr. President,
The Chinese delegation wishes to extend to you its sincere congratulations on your assumption of the important post of the presidency of the Conference on Disarmament. It is my firm belief that your rich experience and outstanding capabilities will be conducive to facilitating positive results of the work of the Conference. The Chinese delegation assures you of its fullest cooperation.
Mr. President,
At the last plenary, the distinguished representative of the United States made some remarks in a polemic tone of Cold War nature, which is detrimental to the atmosphere of the Conference on Disarmament. This is most regrettable. He made some groundless allegations and accusations against China, which I totally reject.
Having no intention to engage in a prolonged argument with the distinguished United States representative, I would confine myself to a few brief comments for the record with a view to rectifying the matter.
The distinguished US representative said: “It was implied that the North Atlantic Treaty Organization was little more than a tool of the United States”, “…the assertion that our NATO Allies are manipulated with impunity by the United States simply isn‘t true”, and he talked a lot on this point. But Mr. President, as evidenced by verbatim records of the Conference, I have neither implied this nor used words to that effect in my statements here at the Conference on Disarmament. If I understand correctly, the distinguished US representative was just trying to take the opportunity to explain, so as to appease the NATO allies. However, what the US ambassador said indeed presents a widespread opinion in international forums. Undoubtedly, certain country feels ill at easy about this kind of remarks. Whatsoever, it has never been my intention to make comments on the internal relations among members of a group of countries. Therefore, I will never accept such groundless accusations, as asserted by the distinguished US representative, which may affect the relations between the Chinese delegation and other delegations.
I was very glad to hear the distinguished United States representative say: “we do not seek domination, we seek balance”. I hope that the United States could prove these words by allowing the Conference on Disarmament to produce a balanced program of work, rather than negotiating only the top priority item of the United States while refusing negotiations on the other top priority items of other countries.The distinguished US representative also mentioned that“there is a broad understanding” in the Conference that the two topics of nuclear disarmament and PAROS “are not ripe for treaty negotiations in the CD”. I‘m afraid the majority of the member States of the Conference, including China, will not agree to this assertion. People cannot but ask why negotiations on nuclear disarmament and prevention of an arms race in outer space in the Conference “are not ripe”? What are the root causes for that? As we all recall, the resolution on Prevention of an Arms Race in Outer Space adopted again by the UN General Assembly last year reiterates explicitly that the Conference has the primary role in the negotiation of a multilateral agreement or agreements on the prevention of an arms race in outer space in all its aspects and invites the Conference to establish an ad hoc committee as early as possible during the 2000 session of the Conference. Eighty-seven percent of the UN member states (162 states) voted for this resolution, only 2 states abstained, and no state voted against it. The current reality in this Conference is that only few country, even only one country, due to its own outer-space weapon development program, insists that it is “not ripe” to negotiate on prevention of an arms race in outer space in the Conference on Disarmament. It is the delegation of this only country that vetoes, year after year and one after another, all the reasonable suggestions about carrying out substantive work with regard to the outer space issue. In this connection, most countries have their own impartial opinions. This should be viewed as a kind of “broad understanding”.
Moreover, some UN resolutions call upon the Conference to establish, on a priority basis, an ad hoc committee on nuclear disarmament early in 2000 to commence negotiations on a phased program of nuclear disarmament and for the eventual elimination of nuclear weapons. Certainly, other UN resolutions also request the Conference to start negotiations on FMCT, NSA and other issues. Is there any difference in terms of priority and importance on the political and legal status of the above-mentioned UN resolutions?
The distinguished US representative also talked about the achievements made by the United States and the Russian Federation in the field of nuclear disarmament. Undoubtedly, these achievements are among the most welcome and most encouraging positive developments since the end of the Cold War. However, the problem for now lies in the fact that a series of negative developments since last year have cast shadows over the US-Russia bilateral nuclear disarmament process. What is more, the global strategic balance and stability that has been maintained for about 50 years since the end of World War II is undermined by a certain country‘s weapon program. Though the ABM Treaty could be said as mainly a matter between two countries, based on the principle of democracy and common security, however, the global strategic balance and stability and the international peace and security are matters of concern for all of us and for the whole international community at large. The other countries are fully entitled to have their say on matters of such a kind. Is the right of speech not the most fundamental right of democracy?
The distinguished United States representative said that the United States neither practiced a double standard toward arms control agreements nor tried to weaken or abolish the ABM Treaty. This is most welcome if the words are really honored by the deeds. I hope to see that the declarations on civilian chemical industry are made in strict accordance with the time requirement of the CWC, that the practice of setting conditions for the implementation of the CWC verification system through domestic law could be abrogated, and that the CTBT could be ratified at an early date. What is more important is to support the UNGA resolution on the preservation of and compliance with the ABM treaty, stop seeking the amendment of that treaty, refrain from the testing and deployment inconsistent with that treaty, and never make the threat that the ABM treaty must be amended, otherwise a state party will withdraw from it.
The distinguished US representative made an issue over the transparency in the nuclear field.For a country possessing the largest nuclear and conventional arsenals, being a member of the strongest military alliance and pursuing the nuclear doctrine marked by the first use of nuclear weapon policy, it is relatively easy to practice some transparency in the nuclear matters. The reason is self-evident. In this connection, I wish that the distinguished US representative could make a positive response to the long-standing call by China for an agreement on “never be the first to use nuclear weapons at any time and under any circumstance”. If all the five nuclear-weapon states can commit themselves not to be the first to use nuclear weapons against each other, thus leading to the conclusion of a treaty banning forever the use of nuclear weapons, that would certainly be a major contribution to the forthcoming NPT review conference.
The distinguished US representative mentioned “the nuclear force modernization”. For a country always taking the lead in the qualitative development of nuclear weapons and their delivery vehicles, to take other people to task for “modernization” is hypocritical. Furthermore, I have to point out that through the series of missile defense tests, the latest one on the 18th of January, the United States is not only further modernizing but even “futurizing” the combination of its offensive and defensive nuclear forces. If the missile defense project cannot be checked, the reality will prove this.
Mr. President,
The distinguished representative of the United States spoke of the missile test in 1996. By this he alluded to the issue of Taiwan. I must solemnly point out that the Taiwan issue is completely an internal affair of China. No powers in the world, including the United States, can stop the Chinese people from realizing the re-unification of their motherland. There has always been a force in the United States trying to encourage Taiwan towards separation, and the United States for many years has continuously supplied sophisticated weaponry to the Taiwan province of China, thus encroaching upon China‘s sovereignty, interfering in its internal affairs and threatening its security.What the United States should do is to stop all these wrongdoings immediately.
Mr. President,
I wish to emphasize that the Chinese delegation has all along participated in the work of the Conference in a positive, serious and responsible manner. We are not here to quarrel. Only those who are unable to justify themselves would resort to hurling abuse instead of discussion. We are prepared to discuss matters with any delegation in a calm and frank manner. We have no intention to engage in polemics. It is the hope of the Chinese delegation that this Conference could reach agreement on a comprehensive, just and balanced work program on the basis of equal footing and mutual respect.
Mr. President,
The second subject of my statement today is related to the issue of prevention of an arms race in outer space. As pointed out in our working paper on this issue, the prevention of an arms race in outer space is one of the most pressing and most prominent issues in the field of arms control and disarmament. This is by no means exaggeration but a sound judgement of the real situation in the use of outer space, especially the trends and prospects of the weaponization of outer space and arms race in outer space.
I.Attempts to Seek Space Domination
Ever since the beginning of the use of outer space by mankind, the military use of outer space has never stopped. The so-called “Star War”(SDI), which haunted mankind for almost 10 years during the Cold War period, is still fresh in the memory of mankind. In April 1998, a certain country formulated a 21st-century-oriented long-range plan for space military strategies. According to this plan, military space capabilities will become a major leverage in implementing national security and military strategies. Consequently, the plan identifies the seeking of space superiority as the primary task of the space force of the country in the 21st century. It has furthermore put forward four operational concepts to ensure its superiority in space, i.e. control of space, global engagement, full force integration and global partnership. To build up its space force that will help maintain its space superiority in the 21st century has become an important tool for it to achieve its strategic objectives.
Control of Space is the ability to ensure uninterrupted access to space for the proposing country and its allies, freedom of operations within the space medium and, the ability to deny others the use of outer space, if required.
Global Engagement is the combination of global surveillance of the Earth (see anything, anytime), worldwide missile defense and the potential ability to apply force from space. It is projected in the plan“by 2020, a second generation system for National Missile Defense is expected to be in place-with many of the weapons and sensors potentially moving into space”.Its surveillance and strike missions for land, sea and air will improve using space systems.For example, a force application system based in space could be available for strategic attack, and space-based surveillance systems will augment systems on land and in the air.
Full Force Integration means integrating space forces and space-derived information with their counterparts on land, sea and air.
Global Partnership is an operational concept which strengthens its military space capabilities through leveraging civil, commercial, non-US intelligence, national and international space systems. With allied countries sharing costs and risks, it will increase opportunities for itself and the flexibility of its overall military capabilities with decreased cost.
According to the above-mentioned plan, in 20 years from now, weapons based on land, in the sea and the air and using outer space as a battlefield, as well as space operation vehicles, platforms and lasers directly deployed in outer space, will become the key strategic weapon systems of that country.
II.Missile Defense Program
In recent years, the Strategic Defense Initiative (SDI) has been quickly resurrected in a certain country. Not only the Theatre Missile Defense (TMD) system is being developed, but the National Missile Defense (NMD) system is being vigorously pursued as well. Due to the implementation of these programs, the space is being transformed into new weaponry testing ground and thus deprived of tranquillity. In 1999 alone, the said country conducted several ballistic missile interception tests in outer space and is planning to carry out dozens more of such tests in the coming years.
The National Missile Defense system pursued by that country is a typical space weapon system. Its basic operation process is as follows: first detect the missile launch of an enemy state through early-warning satellites deployed in outer space, then detect and track targets through sensors including those deployed in outer space, and finally intercept and destroy the target missiles in space with one or more interceptor missiles. The space system is an important integral part of the NMD system and space will also become a battlefield for the system.
The theatre high altitude missile defense systems that are currently under development, such as the Theatre High Altitude Missile Defense (THAAD) system of its army and the Navy Theatre Wide (NTW) system of its navy, relies on the integral space system and carries out interception missions in space.
In a word, both the TMD and NMD systems under development are dependent on space systems for support and on advanced space weapons for intercepting missiles in space. The space-based laser that is under vigorous development is, as indicated by its name, a weapons system directly deployed in outer space.According to the current plan, that country will deploy 14 to 24 space-based lasers at an altitude of 1300 kilometers in outer space in the future.
III.Analysis and Conclusion
“Control of Space” is, in essence, the attempt to establish domination of outer space by means of advanced technology, so as to serve one‘s strategic objectives. This will deprive other countries of their right to benefit from outer space through peaceful means as well as their legitimate right of self-defense. It shows that the said country is seeking unilateral military and strategic superiority by whatever means available to it. This will definitely undermine global and regional peace, security and stability and disrupt strategic equilibrium.
There will be two scenarios if the plan is materialized. First, other countries may have to reconcile themselves to the reality without challenging the attempt of certain space power to seek absolute strategic superiority on the ground and in the space, in addition to its currently largest and the most advanced nuclear and conventional arsenals. Second, other countries may take responsive measures on the ground, in the air and in outer space, the result of which would be unpredictable. Whatever the prospect, the efforts in nuclear disarmament and nonproliferation will turn out to be futile.
Similarly, the missile defense program itself is also likely to cause weaponization of outer space. The 1972 Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty (ABM Treaty) prohibits its States Parties from developing, testing and deploying ABM systems or components that are space-based. It also prohibits the development and deployment of national missile defense system that is capable to cover the entire territory of a country. This Treaty has been playing an indispensable role in maintaining global strategic stability, preventing an arms race in outer space and ensuring gradual progress in nuclear disarmament. With the end of the Cold War, the rivalry between the two superpowers for hegemony has disappeared and peace and development have become the aspiration of the world people and the main theme of the times. Against this background, arms control treaties like the ABM Treaty should have played an even more important role.If a state party attempts to evade its treaty obligations or even tears up the treaty, it will set a bad precedence in the field of multilateral arms control and disarmament. It will not only undermine global and regional strategic balance and stability, obstruct or even reverse the nuclear disarmament process, but also open the door to the weaponization of outer space.
The above mentioned facts show that the weaponization of outer space and arms race in outer space are not sheer imagination. No country should cite any excuse to prevent the Conference on Disarmament from conducting substantive work on the prevention of an arms race in outer space and prohibition of the weaponization of outer space, including negotiations in this regard. The international community must act without any delay to keep the worst from happening. As the single multilateral disarmament negotiating forum, the Conference should, under its agenda item of PAROS and taking into account the latest movements concerning the development of relevant weapon systems, including the missile defense system, take concrete measures without any delay to prevent effectively the weaponization of outer space, prohibit the test, deployment and use of any weapon systems and their components in outer space, stop any country from using outer space as a battlefield and prohibit the use of outer space to strike ground targets and seek strategic superiority on the ground.
It should be emphasized that countries with the greatest space capabilities should assume special responsibilities in preventing the weaponization of outer space, preventing an arms race in outer space and ensuring the use of outer space for peaceful purposes. Pending the conclusion of new international legal instruments on the prevention of an arms race in outer space, the countries concerned should undertake not to develop space weapons and anti-missile weapons, not to test, deploy and use any weapons, weapons systems and their components in outer space.
Mr. President,
The Chinese delegation sincerely hopes that all sides in the Conference will, by seriously examining the current reality and responding to the universal request of the international community, actively promote the substantive work of the Conference in preventing an arms race in outer space and negotiating an international legal instrument banning the test, deployment and use of weapons, weapon systems and their component in outer space.
Thank you, Mr. President.
This
material is produced independently for NTI by the James Martin
Center for Nonproliferation Studies at the Monterey Institute of
International Studies and does not necessarily reflect the
opinions of and has not been independently verified by NTI or
its directors, officers, employees, agents. Copyright © 2007 by
MIIS.
