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Resolution Expressing the United State's Continued Support for Taiwan
S. Con. Res. 107
 
105th Congress
2nd Session
 
10 July 1998
 

SENATE RECORD VOTE ANALYSIS
 

TEMPORARY
105th Congress
2nd Session
July 10, 1998, 9:36 a.m.
Page S- 7918 Temp. Record
2nd Session Vote No. 196

U.S. SUPPORT FOR TAIWAN/Passage
 

SUBJECT:

A resolution expressing the United States' continued support for Taiwan . . . S.Con. Res. 107. Passage.

CONCURRENT RESOLUTION AGREED TO, 92-0

SYNOPSIS:
 
As introduced and passed, S.Con. Res. 107, a resolution expressing the United States' continued support for Taiwan, affirms that Congress:
 
- is committed to Taiwan and the people of Taiwan, in accordance with the Taiwan Relations Act (Public Law 96-8);
- expects, consistent with the Taiwan Relations Act, that the future of Taiwan will be determined by peaceful means, and considers any effort to determine the future of Taiwan by other than peaceful means a threat to the peace and security of the Western Pacific and of grave concern to the United States;
- is committed, consistent with the Taiwan Relations Act, to making available to Taiwan such defense articles and services in such quantities as may be necessary to enable Taiwan to maintain a sufficient self-defense capability; and
- is committed, consistent with the Taiwan Relations Act, to having the President and Congress determine the nature and quantity of defense articles and services for Taiwan based solely upon their judgment of the needs of Taiwan.
 
The resolution also urges the President of the United States to seek a public renunciation by the People's Republic of China of any use of force, or threat to use force, against democratic Taiwan.
 
The resolution contains the following findings:
 
- at no time since the establishment of the People's Republic of China has Taiwan been under the control of the People's Republic of China;
- the United States began its long, peaceful relationship with Taiwan in 1949;
- since the enactment of the Taiwan Relations Act in 1979, the policy of the United States has been based on the expectation that the future relationship between the People's Republic of China and Taiwan would be determined by peaceful means;
- in March, 1996, the People's Republic of China held provocative military exercises, including missile launch exercises in the Taiwan Strait, in an attempt to intimidate the people of Taiwan during their historic, free, and democratic presidential election;
- officials of the People's Republic of China refuse to renounce the use of force against democratic Taiwan;
- Taiwan has achieved significant political and economic strength as one of the world's premier democracies and as the nineteenth largest economy in the world;
- Taiwan is the United States' seventh largest trading partner and imports more than twice as much annually as does the People's Republic of China; and
- no treaties exist between the People's Republic of China and Taiwan that determine the future status of Taiwan.

Those favoring passage contended:
 
During President Clinton's recent trip to China, he made the following statement: "I had a chance to reiterate our Taiwan policy, which is that we don't support independence for Taiwan, or two Chinas, or one Taiwan-1 China. And we don't believe that Taiwan should be a member of any organization for which statehood is a requirement." This statement is very troubling for a number of reasons. First, it publicly and explicitly echoes the communist Chinese government's "three noes": no independence for Taiwan, no recognition for a separate Taiwanese government, and no support for Taiwan's membership in international organizations. The Clinton Administration has argued that the United States has implicitly supported these principles in the past. However, it has never before been explicitly stated by a United States President, and the fact is that the policy has always been a great deal more complex and balanced. Taiwan has been a steadfast ally for decades. The United States supports it militarily, and by law it has committed to supporting it militarily. Simply spouting the Chinese communist party line, without any qualifying statements such as that the United States supports only a peaceful settlement of Taiwan's status, makes it appear to be a major change in U.S. policy, and even a total abandonment of Taiwan. Second, the gravity of the statement is compounded by the fact that it was made in Shanghai, China, which is the site of the infamous (in the eyes of Taiwan) "Shanghai Communique" of 1972 in which the United States moved closer to recognizing the People's Republic of China as the legitimate government of China. Choosing this site makes it appear even more to be a deliberate change in policy. Third, this statement bears all of the markings of a quid pro quo. The communists gave President Clinton the opportunity to make four live statements on Chinese radio and television. The appearance is that in return, President Clinton met with officials in Tiananmen Square (the site of the communist slaughter of pro-democracy, peaceful protestors) and that he made this statement in Shanghai. Fourth, we believe that President Clinton's statement can be read to mean that the United States will oppose independence for Taiwan under any and all circumstances, even if Taiwan is attacked by China or the Taiwanese people vote overwhelmingly for independence. We remind our colleagues that on June 12, 1950, then-Secretary of State Dean Acheson made a remark about Korea not being in the United States' sphere of interest, and that statement was enough to convince Russia and China that the United States was giving them a green light to back a war against South Korea. We also remind them that China has refused to renounce the use of force against Taiwan, and we remind them that China has conducted missile exercises off the coast of Taiwan in 2 of the last 4 years. The President's remark clearly is not in line with the United States' policy on Taiwan. We in Congress need to vote in favor of this resolution to correct the misimpression that was made by the President's statement. We urge our colleagues to adopt this resolution unanimously.
 
No arguments were expressed in opposition to passage.

VOTING YEA:
 
Republicans:
(48 or 100%) Abraham, Allard, Bennett, Bond, Brownback, Burns, Campbell, Chafee, Coats, Cochran, Collins, Coverdell, Craig, D'Amato, DeWine, Enzi, Faircloth, Frist, Gorton, Gramm, Grams, Grassley, Gregg, Hagel, Hatch, Helms, Hutchinson, Inhofe, Jeffords, Kempthorne, Lott, Lugar, Mack, McConnell, Murkowski, Roberts, Roth, Santorum, Sessions, Shelby Smith, Bob Smith, Gordon, Specter, Stevens, Thomas, Thompson, Thurmond, Warner
 
Democrats:
(44 or 100%) Akaka, Baucus, Biden, Boxer, Breaux, Bryan, Bumpers, Byrd, Cleland, Conrad, Daschle, Dodd, Dorgan, Durbin, Feingold, Feinstein, Ford, Glenn, Graham, Harkin, Hollings, Inouye, Johnson, Kennedy, Kerrey, Kerry, Kohl, Landrieu, Lautenberg, Leahy, Levin, Lieberman, Mikulski, Moseley-Braun, Moynihan, Murray, Reed, Reid, Robb, Rockefeller, Sarbanes, Torricelli, Wellstone, Wyden
 
VOTING NAY:
 
Republicans:
(0 or 0%)
 
Democrats:
(0 or 0%)
 
NOT VOTING:

Republicans:
(7) Ashcroft, Domenici, Hutchison, Kyl, McCain, Nickles, Snowe
 
Democrats:
(1) Bingaman

Compiled and written by the staff of the Republican Policy Committee

Larry E. Craig, Chairman
 
 

CNSThis material is produced independently for NTI by the James Martin Center for Nonproliferation Studies at the Monterey Institute of International Studies and does not necessarily reflect the opinions of and has not been independently verified by NTI or its directors, officers, employees, agents. Copyright © 2007 by MIIS.

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