Nuclear Weapons and Arms Control

The AQ Khan Revelations and Subsequent Changes to Pakistani Export Controls

Brazil's Nuclear Ambitions, Past and Present

The Bush Proposals: A Global Strategy for Combating the Spread of Nuclear Weapons Technology or a Sanctioned Nuclear Cartel?

Bush-Putin Summit, November 2001
на русском (In Russian)

China Enters the Nuclear Suppliers Group: Positive Steps in the Global Campaign against Nuclear Weapons Proliferation

Companies Reported to Have Sold or Attempted to Sell Libya Gas Centrifuge Components

Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty (CTBT)
на русском (In Russian)

DOE's Domestic Nuclear Security Initiatives

Egypt and Saudi Arabia's Policies toward Iran's Nuclear Program

The Emerging Arab Response to Iran's Unabated Nuclear Program

Going Beyond the Stir: The Strategic Realities of China's No-First-Use Policy

IAEA Board Deplores Iran's Failure to Come into Full Compliance: Is Patience with Iran Running Out?

IAEA Board Welcomes EU-Iran Agreement: Is Iran Providing Assurances or Merely Providing Amusement?

Illicit Nuclear Trafficking in the NIS
на русском (In Russian)

Implications of Proposed India-U.S. Civil Nuclear Cooperation

Indo-Pakistani Military Standoff: Why It Isn't Over Yet

The International Uranium Enrichment Center at Angarsk: A Step Towards Assured Fuel Supply?

Iran and the IAEA: A Troubling Past with a Hopeful Future?

Is Syria a Candidate for Nuclear Proliferation?

The New IAEA Resolution: A Milestone in the Iran-IAEA Saga

North Korea's Nuclear Weapons Program and the Six-party Talks

Nuclear Conflict in the 21st Century: Reviewing the Chinese Nuclear Threat

Nuclear Posture Review
на русском (In Russian)

Nuclear Proliferation and South Asia: Recent Trends

Nuclear Submarine Dismantlement
на русском (In Russian)

Nuclear Trafficking Hoaxes: A Short History of Scams Involving Red Mercury and Osmium-187

Practical Steps for Improving U.S. Nonproliferation Leadership

Presidential Nuclear Initiatives: An Alternative Paradigm for Arms Control
на русском (In Russian)

Plutonium Disposition
на русском (In Russian)

Radiological Materials in Russia
на русском (In Russian)

Reykjavik Summit: The Legacy and a Lesson for the Future

Risks of Plutonium Programs

The Role of Security Assurances: Is Any Progress Possible?

Russian Spent Nuclear Fuel
на русском (In Russian)

Russia's Nuclear Doctrine
на русском (In Russian)

The Second NPT PrepCom for the 2005 Review Conference: Prospects for Progress

Seven Years After the Nuclear Tests: Appraising South Asia's Nuclear Realities

Sixty Years After the Nuclear Devastation, Japan's Role in the NPT

Submarine Dismantlement Assistance

Tactical Nuclear Weapons (TNW)
на русском (In Russian) 

Tactical Nuclear Weapons in Germany: Time for Withdrawal?

Taiwan and Nonproliferation

The Treaty of Moscow
на русском (In Russian) 

UN Disarmament Committee Forecasts Troubled Nonproliferation Future

UN General Assembly Tackles Nonproliferation and Disarmament After Disappointing Summit

U.S.-Russian Civilian Nuclear Cooperation
на русском (In Russian)

Will Saudi Arabia Acquire Nuclear Weapons?



Biological Weapons
The Anti-plague System in the Newly Independent States, 1992 and Onwards: Assessing Proliferation Risks and Potential for Enhanced Public Health in Central Asia and the Caucasus
Assessing the Threat of Mass-Casualty Bioterrorism
на русском (In Russian)
The Biological Weapons Convention (BWC)
на русском (In Russian)
Biological Weapons Convention (BWC) Compliance Protocol
на русском (In Russian)
Developments in the Biosciences: Do Recent Scientific and Technological Advances Lower the Threshold for the Proliferation of Biological Weapons?
на русском (In Russian)
The Fifth Conference of the Biological and Toxin Weapons Convention (BWC)
на русском (In Russian)
International Assistance for Anti-plague Facilities in the Former Soviet Union to Prevent Proliferation of Biological Weapons
на русском (In Russian)
Is the Avian Influenza Virus a Suitable Agent for a Biological Weapon?
Lessons from Select Public Health Events Having Relevance to Bioterrorism Preparedness
на русском (In Russian)
The Next Generation of Sensor Technology for the BioWatch Program
Security and Public Health: How and Why do Public Health Emergencies Affect the Security of a Country?


Chemical Weapons
Dusty Agents and the Iraqi Chemical Weapons Arsenal
на русском (In Russian)
First Review Conference of the CWC: Coming of Age
Global CW Assistance
Industrial Chemicals as Weapons: Chlorine
The Seventh Conference of State Parties to the Chemical Weapons Convention (CWC)
на русском (In Russian)
Vinalon, the DPRK, and Chemical Weapons Precursors
на русском (In Russian)
What to Expect at the Eighth Conference of State Parties to the CWC


Missiles, Missile Defenses, and Delivery Vehicles
A Look at National Missile Defense and the Ground-Based Midcourse Defense System
Addressing the Spread of Cruise Missiles and Unmanned Air Vehicles (UAVs)
Examining China's Debate on Military Space Programs: Was the ASAT Test Really a Surprise?
Future Space Security
на русском (In Russian)
Japan's Space Law Revision: the Next Step Toward Re-Militarization?
Radiological and Nuclear Detection Devices
Russia's Approach to the U.S. Missile Defense Program
на русском (In Russian)
Space Security and Bush Administration Policy: Results of the First Term
Taiwan's Response to China's Missile Buildup
Theater Missile Defense (TMD) and Northeast Asian Security
на русском (In Russian)
Unmanned Air Vehicles as Terror Weapons: Real or Imagined?


General Nonproliferation Topics
The Chechen Resistance and Radiological Terrorism
China's White Paper on Nonproliferation: Export Controls Hit the Big Time
Department of Homeland Security: Goals and Challenges
на русском (In Russian)
DP World and U.S. Port Security
The European Union and the Arms Ban on China
G8 10 Plus 10 Over 10
на русском (In Russian)
The Global Partnership 2004
Global Submarine Proliferation: Emerging Trends and Problems
Instability in Georgia: A New Proliferation Threat?
Iraq's WMD Scientists in the Crossfire
Islamist Terrorist Threat in the Tri-Border Region
на русском (In Russian)
Kazakhstan's Proposal to Initiate Commercial Imports of Radioactive Waste
на русском (In Russian)
The Mitutoyo Case: Will Japan Learn from its Mistakes or Repeat Them?
Nonproliferation Assistance to the Former Soviet Union
на русском (In Russian)
North Korea's 11th Supreme People's Assembly Elections
Nuclear Watch—Pakistan: The Sorry Affairs of the Islamic Republic
Radiological Materials in Russia
на русском (In Russian)
To Comply or Not to Comply: Outline of the UN Inspections Mechanism in Iraq
на русском (In Russian)
Unlocking the Impasse: Who Holds the Key to the Conference on Disarmament
Was Libyan WMD Disarmament a Significant Success for Nonproliferation?
Weapons of Mass Destruction in Central Asia
на русском (In Russian)
Weapons of Mass Destruction in the Middle East
на русском (In Russian)
Will Emerging Challenges Change Japanese Security Policy?

Issue Brief
redline

Will Saudi Arabia Acquire Nuclear Weapons?
Akaki Dvali, Graduate Research Assistant
Center for Nonproliferation Studies (CNS)
Monterey Institute of International Studies
March 2004



In the course of the last decade, concerns that Saudi Arabia would seek to acquire nuclear weapons have arisen periodically. These concerns have largely been driven by Saudi Arabia’s geopolitical situation, which some analysts suggest gives the country a number of strong incentives to develop its own nuclear arsenal. However, no solid evidence has yet appeared in open source material demonstrating that Saudi Arabia is seeking nuclear weapons. Nevertheless, these concerns merit reexamination in the wake of the recent revelations about the proliferation activities of Dr. Abdul Qadeer Khan, the former head of the Pakistani nuclear weapons program. Khan sold or offered nuclear weapons technology to several Middle Eastern states, including Iran, Iraq, Libya, and Syria. No direct evidence has emerged confirming that Khan made similar offers to Saudi Arabia, but longstanding suspicions of nuclear cooperation between Pakistan and Saudi Arabia are cause for continued concern.

Saudi Arabia has several reasons to consider acquiring nuclear weapons: the current volatile security environment in the Middle East; its ambition to dominate the region; and the growing number of states (particularly Iran and Israel) with weapons of mass destruction (WMD) in the region. According to the British newspaper The Guardian, for example, Saudi Arabia worries about an alleged Iranian nuclear program and the absence of any international pressure on Israel (estimated to have up to 200 nuclear devices) to disarm.[1] Richard L. Russell, a research associate at Georgetown University’s Institute for the Study of Diplomacy, also mentions the insecurity and regional proliferation of WMD as a major motivation for Riyadh’s steps toward procuring a nuclear deterrent. Russell notes Saudi Arabia’s clandestine purchase of long-range CSS-2 ballistic missiles (capable of delivering nuclear weapons) from China in the 1980s as an indication of Saudi ambitions to acquire nuclear weapons.[2] Also, given the Saudi’s growing hostilities toward the United States and the evident deterioration of U.S.-Saudi security ties, particularly after the September 11 terrorist attacks, it is likely that the Saudi government would consider alternative security arrangements, including a nuclear option.

King Fahd with Crown Prince Abdullah receiving Chinese President Jiang Zemin in 1999; Source: King Fahd Bin Abdul Aziz website, http://www.kingfahdbinabdulaziz.com/main/index1.htm.
King Fahd with Crown Prince Abdullah receiving
Chinese President Jiang Zemin in 1999

In September 2003, an article in The Guardian alleged serious efforts on the part of the Saudis to acquire nuclear weapons.[1] The Guardian referred to a strategy paper, supposedly considered at the highest levels in Riyadh, that set out three options for maintaining national security:
1. acquiring a nuclear capability as a deterrent;
2. maintaining or entering into an alliance with an existing nuclear power that would offer protection; and
3. trying to reach a regional agreement for a nuclear-free Middle East.[1]

According to The Guardian article, the discussion of the strategy paper was triggered by the current instability in the Middle East, Riyadh’s estrangement from Washington, and the subsequent weakening of its reliance on the U.S. nuclear umbrella.[1] However, the day after the article came out, the Saudi government forcefully denied all allegations put forward by the newspaper. The Saudi Embassy in Washington reacted to the reports, and called them “baseless and totally false.”[3] Saudi Deputy Foreign Minister Prince Turki Bin-Muhammad also dismissed the allegations and noted that the Kingdom has always been known for its position in support of making the Middle East region free of weapons of mass destruction.[4] Initiatives to establish a nuclear weapons free zone (NWFZ) in the Middle East have been discussed since 1974. Since that time, several resolutions have been adopted by the United Nations General Assembly urging countries to join the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) and place all nuclear facilities under International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) safeguards. Saudi Arabia also joined the coalition of countries demanding a NWFZ in the Middle East, and in May 1999, Ambassador Fazvi A. Shobokshi, Saudi Arabia’s permanent representative to the United Nations, officially declared the Kingdom’s interest in efforts to eliminate WMD from the region. However, in his statement, Shobokshi raised concerns over Israel’s refusal to cooperate in these efforts, and stressed that Israel was the only country undermining initiatives for the establishment of the NWFZ in the Middle East. This statement indicates Saudi Arabia’s serious concerns about Israel’s nuclear capabilities.[5]

Although Saudi officials denied the allegations in The Guardian article about Saudi Arabia’s nuclear ambitions, according to Simon Henderson, a London-based associate of the Washington Institute for Near East Policy, The Guardian report had merit. Henderson claims that the report was based on comments at a meeting that was held during a three-day international symposium on “Saudi Arabia, Britain, and the Wider World” organized by the Oxford Center for Islamic Studies. The 29 invited participants at the symposium included the author of The Guardian report, three princes from the Saudi royal family, a Saudi government minister, and two members of the Saudi consultative council. According to Henderson, the Saudi participants discussed the information that formed the basis for The Guardian article on Saudi Arabia’s nuclear options, and the accuracy of The Guardian story was later confirmed by one of the meeting participants.[6]

Source: King Fahd Bin Abdul Aziz website, http://www.kingfahdbinabdulaziz.com/main/index1.htm.
King Fahd bin Abdul Aziz

The allegations that The Guardian put forward in September 2003 are not really new. Rumors about Riyadh’s possible nuclear ambitions have circulated on several other occasions over the past decade. However, they were not given much attention, possibly because of the absence of evidence of Saudi Arabia’s pursuit of nuclear weapons. According to Saudi defector Mohammed Khilevi, who was first secretary of the Saudi mission to the United Nations until July 1994, Riyadh has sought a bomb since 1975.[7] Khilevi produced documents in support of his charges that between 1985-1990, the Saudi government paid up to five billion dollars to Saddam Hussein to build a nuclear weapon. According to Khilevi, these payments were made on the condition that some of the bombs be transferred to a Saudi arsenal if the Iraqi project were successful.[8] Khilevi also claimed that Saudi Arabia had provided financial contributions to the Pakistani nuclear program, and had signed a secret agreement that obligated the Pakistani government to provide positive security assurances to Saudi Arabia.[8] Citing UN officials, The Guardian also mentions past rumors (dating back 20 years) that the Saudis wanted to pay Pakistan to do research and development on nuclear weapons.[1]

The recent revelations about the black market nuclear technology network led by Dr. A.Q. Khan, the father of Pakistan’s atomic bomb, increase the probability that suspicions about Saudi nuclear arrangements are credible. In early February 2004, Khan publicly confessed that he had transferred nuclear technologies and know-how to several countries, including Iran, Libya, and North Korea.[9,10] Unconfirmed reports also mention that Khan developed some ties with Syria and Iraq; reportedly those countries rejected Khan’s offer as they mistrusted his intentions.[11] Although Khan stated that his motivation for nuclear proliferation was ideological, it is widely believed that Khan’s activities were motivated by profit.[9,12,13] Given these facts, it is reasonable to suspect that Khan developed ties with Riyadh, which would have been capable of paying for all kinds of nuclear-related services. However, to date, reports have only suggested but not confirmed that Saudi Arabia was among the countries that received Khan’s nuclear assistance.

Even before the revelations about Khan’s activities, concerns about Saudi-Pakistani nuclear cooperation persisted, largely due to strengthened cooperation between Saudi Arabia and Pakistan. In particular, the frequent high-level visits of Saudi and Pakistani officials during the last several years raised questions about the extent of Saudi-Pakistani cooperation in defense matters and possible clandestine nuclear cooperation between the two countries. For example, in May 1999, a Saudi Arabian defense team, headed by the Saudi Defense Minister Prince Sultan Bin Abdul Aziz visited Pakistan’s highly restricted uranium enrichment and missile assembly factory, a visit that prompted a formal diplomatic complaint from the U.S. government. Reportedly, Prince Sultan was also briefed by Dr. A.Q. Khan.[1,8,14] Khan also visited Saudi Arabia in November 1999 to attend a symposium, “Information Sources on the Islamic World.” The following week, Dr. Saleh al-Athel, president of King Abdul Aziz City for Science and Technology, visited Pakistan to work out the details for cooperation in the fields of engineering, electronics, and computer science.[8] In 2003, Pakistani President Pervez Musharraf paid a visit to Saudi Arabia, and Pakistani Prime Minister Mir Zafrallah Khan Jamali visited the Kingdom twice.[6] It is believed that the United States warned Pakistan several times not to provide nuclear assistance to Saudi Arabia.[6]

Concerns over possible Saudi-Pakistani nuclear cooperation intensified after the October 22-23, 2003 visit of Saudi Arabia’s de facto ruler, Crown Prince Abdullah bin Abdulaziz to Pakistan. In connection with this visit, the Washington Times reported that Pakistan and Saudi Arabia concluded a secret agreement on nuclear cooperation, which would provide the Saudis with nuclear-weapons technology in exchange for cheap oil.[14] However, the main allegation regarding this visit was made by Major-General Aharon Zeevi, a senior intelligence officer of the Israeli defense forces, who said that the Saudis had gone to Islamabad with the intention of buying Pakistani warheads, to be placed on Saudi land-based missiles.[15] These claims were vigorously denied by both the Saudi and Pakistani governments. Ahmad Khan, spokesman for the Pakistani Foreign Ministry, called the allegations a “figment of somebody’s imagination,” and part of a disinformation campaign against Pakistan. He added that Pakistan’s nuclear deterrent is for defensive purposes only and is directed towards India.[16] Saudi Arabia has also denied Zeevi’s claim. According to Saudi Defense Minister Prince Sultan bin Abdul Aziz, no military agreements were concluded between the two countries.[14]

Although events and allegations periodically raise international concerns about a possible Saudi nuclear weapons program, the lack of solid open-source evidence makes it difficult to draw decisive conclusions. However, the current geopolitical situation in the Middle East and some disclosed facts (such as Khan’s nuclear black market activities and the unexpected progress of Iran’s and Libya’s nuclear programs) fuel speculations about Riyadh’s possible nuclear arrangements and make certain allegations more credible.

Sources:
[1] Ewen MacAskill and Ian Traynor, “Saudis Consider Nuclear Bomb,” Guardian Unlimited online edition, 18 September 2003, www.guardian.co.uk.
[2] Richard L. Russell, “A Saudi Nuclear Option?” Survival, Vol. 42, No. 2 (Summer 2001), pp. 69-79.
[3] “No plans to acquire nukes: Saudis,” News.com.au online edition, http://www.news.com.au/common/story_page/ 0,4057,7310684%255E1702,00.html.
[4] “Official Says Kingdom ‘Prepared’ to Answer IAEA Questions,” 22 September 2003; in Lexis-Nexis Academic Universe, http://www.lexisnexis.com.
[5] Statement by H.E. Amb. Fawzi A. Shobokshi, Permanent Representative of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia to the United Nations, www.nuclearfiles.org/
hinonproliferationtreaty/99-npt-me-sarabia.html
.
[6] Simon Henderson, “Towards a Saudi Nuclear Option: The Saudi Pakistani Summit,” Columbia International Affairs Online Website, www.ciaonet.org/pbei/winep/policy_2003/2003_793/.
[7] “Saudi Arabia country profile,” Federation of American Scientists Website, http://www.fas.org/asmp/profiles/saudi_arabia.htm.
[8] “Saudi Arabia Special Weapons,” GlobalSecurity.org Website, http://www.globalsecurity.org/wmd/world/saudi/index.html.
[9] Matthew Pennington, “Pakistan nuclear expert gave info to Iran, others,” WCNC.com Website, http://www.wcnc.com/sharedcontent/nationworld/
worldprint/020204ccjcintnuclear.766c3ac1.html
.
[10] Owais Tohid, “Pakistani nuclear scientist confesses to sharing secrets,” The Christian Science Monitor online edition, 2 February 2004, http://www.csmonitor.com/2004/0202/p07s02-wosc.html.
[11] Robert Windrem, “Pakistani nuclear ‘father’s’ offer to Saddam,” MSNBC News online edition, 4 February 2004, http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/4163638.
[12] “Khan’s illicit nuclear network said to span globe,” Planet ARK online edition, 10 February 2004, http://www.planetark.com/dailynewsstory.cfm/newsid/
23754/newsDate/10-Feb-2004/story.htm
.
[13] “Founder of Pakistan’s nuclear programme admits leaking secrets,” MCN International online edition, 2 February 2004, http://www.channelnewsasia.com/stories/
afp_asiapacific/view/69131/1/.html
.
[14] Arnaud de Borchgrave, “Pakistan, Saudi Arabia in secret nuke pact,” The Washington Times online edition, 22 October 2003, www.washtimes.com/world/20031021-112804-8451r.htm.
[15] David R. Sands, “Israeli general says Saudis seek to buy Pakistani nukes,” The Washington Times online edition, 23 October 2003, www.washtimes.com/world/20031022-113729-8359r.htm.
[16] “Pakistan denies nuclear cooperation with Saudi Arabia,” Japan Economic Newswire, 21 October 2003; in Lexis-Nexis Academic Universe, http://www.lexisnexis.com.

Relevant Resources

Ewen MacAskill and Ian Traynor, “Saudis Consider Nuclear Bomb,” Guardian Unlimited online edition, 18 September 2003, http://www.guardian.co.uk/saudi/story/0%
2C11599%2C1044402%2C00.html.

“Saudi Arabia Special Weapons,” GlobalSecurity.org Website, http://www.globalsecurity.org/
wmd/world/saudi/index.html.

Arnaud de Borchgrave, “Pakistan, Saudi Arabia in secret nuke pact,” The Washington Times online edition, 22 October 2003, http://www.washtimes.com/world/20031021-
112804-8451r.htm.

Stephen Blank, “Saudi Arabia’s nuclear gambit,” AsiaTimes online edition, 7 November 2003, http://www.atimes.com/atimes/Middle_East/
EK07Ak01.html.

Naef Bin Ahmed Al-Saud, “Underpinning Saudi National Security Strategy,” Defense Technical Information Center Website, http://www.dtic.mil/doctrine/jel/jfq_pubs/
2232.pdf.

Gaurav Kampani, “Proliferation Unbound: Nuclear Tales from Pakistan,” The Center for Nonproliferation Studies Website, http://www.cns.miis.edu/pubs/week/040223.htm.

Michael A. Levi, “Would the Saudis Go Nuclear?” The Brookings Institution Website, http://www.brookings.edu/views/articles/fellows/
levi20030602.htm
.

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CNSThis material is produced independently for NTI by the James Martin Center for Nonproliferation Studies at the Monterey Institute of International Studies and does not necessarily reflect the opinions of and has not been independently verified by NTI or its directors, officers, employees, agents. Copyright © 2007 by MIIS.

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