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Nearly a
dozen
countries are known to have started nuclear weapon programs but then
decided
to halt them before obtaining nuclear arms. In addition, after the break-up
of the Soviet Union in 1991, Soviet nuclear weapons remained on the territory
of three successor states in addition to Russia: Belarus,
Kazakhstan, and Ukraine. Each of these three voluntarily transferred these
weapons to Russia by 1996, thus avoiding further proliferation of nuclear weapons.
Saddam Hussein and Iraq.
Iraq
pursued a clandestine nuclear weapons program during the 1980s, but it did not
succeed in developing nuclear weapons by the time of the 1991 Gulf War. After
Iraq's defeat in that war, UN inspectors exposed the program and destroyed all
known equipment. Nevertheless, U.S. and British intelligence claimed that Iraq
had begun to reconstruct its nuclear program,
and used this assumption as a justification for
the March 2003 invasion of Iraq and the subsequent overthrow of Saddam
Hussein's regime. International inspectors (UNSCOM
and UNMOVIC) had found no evidence to support this
assertion before the war, however, and searches by the 1,700-member Iraq Survey
Group after the war did not
uncover a renewed Iraqi nuclear weapons program. A comprehensive
report
released in September 2004 by Charles Duelfer, the chief weapons
inspector, concluded that Iraq had no nuclear weapons or the facilities to
construct them, and that Iraq's nuclear program had ended in 1991 after the Gulf
War.
Mu'ammar al-Qadhdhafi and Libya.
In December 2003, Libya agreed
to eliminate all of its weapons of mass destruction programs in return for the
lifting of economic sanctions by the United States and Britain and
other assurances. Despite being a party to
the NPT, Libya under Colonel Mu'ammar al-Qadhdhafi
sought nuclear technologies, fissile
materials, and weapons designs and know-how from several countries including,
China, Pakistan, the Soviet Union/Russia, Belgium, and Ukraine. Allegedly, Libya
wanted a nuclear weapon to counter the covert Israeli nuclear program. In
2003, Libya admitted to the IAEA that it had tried for more than a decade to
develop a uranium enrichment capability and had acquired Chinese-origin nuclear
weapon designs and fabrication documents. Under the 2003 deal, Libya agreed to
transfer sensitive nuclear-related materials, and documents to the United States; conclude an Additional
Protocol with the IAEA; and ratify the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty. In 2004,
U.S. and British teams dismantled Libya's nuclear facilities with IAEA
oversight. Documents and components of the nuclear and ballistic missile
programs were airlifted to the United States, and highly enriched uranium from
Libya's Tajura Nuclear Research Center was sent to Russia for reprocessing. In
return, the United States lifted most of its trade restrictions on Libya.
Today, many countries are concerned that
North
Korea and
Iran may be pursuing clandestine nuclear weapon programs.
In 1994, the United States
signed an
agreement
with North Korea in which that country agreed to freeze sensitive parts of its
nuclear program if the United States and others helped it meet its energy needs by providing two nuclear power plants and oil
supplies until the two plants were built. However, North Korea's October 2002 admission that it had been
conducting a
secret uranium enrichment project violated the spirit and the terms of the 1994 agreement, and renewed tensions between North
Korea and the international community. The situation deteriorated further
in December 2002 when North Korea announced it would
reactivate its Yongbyon facility, a site capable of supporting a
plutonium-based nuclear program. Days later, Pyongyang insisted that the
IAEA remove all monitoring equipment and seals from all nuclear facilities in
North Korea. Subsequently, the
DPRK disrupted most of the IAEA safeguards
equipment at the Yongbyon facilities, expelled IAEA inspectors from the country, and announced its
withdrawal from the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty
(NPT). In the wake of this decision, the
United States and the leaders of four other nations, South Korea, China, Japan
and Russia, persuaded North Korea to sit at the negotiating table in late
August 2003; this ongoing
series of negotiations is known as the Six-Party Talks. In February 2005, the DPRK Foreign
Ministry declared that North
Korea possessed nuclear weapons and the country would increase its
nuclear arsenal to counter the hostile U.S. policy toward it. Nonetheless, the
Six-Party Talks resumed after a year's recess in late July 2005.
On September 15, 2005, the six
parties reached a
tentative agreement, according to which the DPRK committed to
abandoning all its nuclear weapons and existing nuclear programs, and to
returning to the NPT and allowing IAEA inspections. But the parties almost
immediately disagreed on the terms of the agreement, and the Six-Party Talks
stalled. On July 4, 2006,
North Korea test-fired approximately seven missiles, including a
long-range Taepo-Dong missile that blew up seconds into the flight. The
missile tests brought immediate condemnation and economic sanctions against
Pyongyang through
UN
Resolution 1695 on July 15.
On October 9, 2006, the DPRK
announced
that it tested a nuclear device in defiance of repeated warnings from the
international community. The test of a plutonium device was conducted in the North Hamgyong
Province. Chinese officials said that North Korea warned
them that the nuclear test would have a 4-kiloton yield, but seismic reading
suggest a test of less than 1-kiloton, very small for a nuclear explosion. The UN
Security Council condemned the test, and on October 14, adopted
Resolution 1718 calling on all countries to bar the DPRK from receiving
or supplying WMD-related or conventional weapons.
On February 13, 2007,
North Korea agreed to begin closing it nuclear facilities and to
allow international inspectors into the country in exchange for
approximately $400 million in fuel, food and other aid from the
United States, China, South Korea, and Russia. (Japan does not agree
to the aid package as it still has outstanding bilateral issues with
the DPRK.) In addition, the United States and Japan will discuss
normalizing relations with North Korea and lifting trade and
financial sanctions. The agreement gives North Korea 60 days to take
the first steps toward halting its nuclear program but it leaves to
a later negotiation the question of whether and how Pyongang will
dispose of its nuclear weapons and the fissile material used to
produce them.
Iran, a member of the NPT, admitted that it had deceived IAEA inspectors for almost two decades about
its nuclear-related activities, including uranium enrichment. In 2002, a group
opposed to Iran's government revealed that Iran had two nuclear facilities it
had never declared to the IAEA: an uranium facility at Natanz and a heavy water
production facility at Arak. Iran then claimed that it was developing a nuclear
power plan that would rely solely on domestic technology and supplies of uranium
ore. The Western intelligence community feared that Iran was developing the
capability to produce fissile material for nuclear weapons.
In February 2003, IAEA inspectors concluded that Iran had several sensitive nuclear technology
facilities. Iran subsequently provided evidence of its technical NPT violations
in the 1990s when it carried out uranium conversion experiments, using nuclear
materials imported from China, and in the 1980s, when it produced heavy water in
a laboratory. Following further IAEA inspections, which revealed highly enriched
uranium at Natanz, the IAEA criticized Iran in
November 2003 for not abiding by its IAEA Safeguards Agreement, for pursuing
undeclared efforts to develop uranium centrifuge and laser enrichment
programs, and for producing small amounts of low-enriched uranium and plutonium. The IAEA called on Iran to suspend enrichment activities and sign an Additional
Protocol. Iran did sign the protocol, submit to further IAEA inspections, and
provide additional information. In November 2004, the IAEA adopted a resolution acknowledging Iran's many breaches of its NPT obligations
and subsequent corrective measures, and noting that Iran had finally agreed to
temporarily suspend all enrichment-related and reprocessing activities. However,
Iran said it would not abandon its nuclear program, and planned to achieve full
mastery of the nuclear fuel cycle.
Given Iran's past deceptions and its
insistence on mastering the production of nuclear fuel, the United States,
Britain, France, and Germany argue that Iran is pursuing nuclear weapons. In
August 2005, Iran rejected
an European proposal to permanently abandon its nuclear activities in
exchange for economic, technological, security and political incentives. On
March 29, 2006, the
UN Security Council demanded that Iran suspend all enrichment-related
activities and resolve questions about its nuclear activities within 30 days.
Iran rejected the call to freeze its uranium enrichment activities, announced
that it had mastered a new stage of uranium enrichment, and planned to expand
its enrichment activities to industrial scale at its Natanz facility. On
July 31, 2006, the UN Security Council passed
Resolution 1696, giving Iran a month to suspend uranium enrichment or
face sanctions. Iran has not complied, and the UN Security Council members
continue to discuss possible sanctions while trying to continue negotiations
with Iran.
On February 22, 2007, the IAEA issued a report concluding that
Iran, instead of halting its uranium enrichment program as
required by
UN Security Council Resolution 1737 (adopted December 23, 2006), has expanded its
enrichment program. According to the report, Iran has set up
hundreds of uranium-spinning centrifuges and gathered nearly 9 tons
of gaseous feedstock to use as fuel. In addition, Iran is building a
reactor that will use heavy water and a heavy water production
facility; such a reactor produces plutonium that could be processed
and used as fissile material in a nuclear weapon.
Attempts by non-state actors, such as
Al-Qaeda, to obtain or produce nuclear weapons are another concern.
Although the terrorist organization is not thought to possess either a nuclear
weapon or the fissile material needed to produce a weapon, nuclear weapon
designs and other documents found in Afghanistan indicate the organization's
interest in obtaining WMD capabilities.
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