Chapter 5 Source: http://www.empnet.com/imageworks/Raj1.html

Nuclear-Weapons-Free Zones (NWFZs)

n Article VII of the NPT, the right of states to establish specified zones free of nuclear weapons is assured. The role of nuclear-weapon-free zones (NWFZ) in strengthening the security of the states that belong to such zones was recognized when the NPT was drafted. Members of NWFZ treaties are required to conclude safeguards agreements with the IAEA. To date, the Treaty of Tlatelolco  in Latin America and the Caribbean, the Treaty of Rarotonga in the South Pacific, the Treaty of Bangkok in Southeast Asia, the Treaty of Pelindaba in Africa, and the Central Asia Nuclear Weapon Free Zone (CANWFZ) Treaty have established regional NWFZ. Of these five treaties, the Pelindaba Treaty and the CANWFZ Treaty have yet to enter into force.  The newest treaty establishing the CANWFZ, was signed September 8, 2006 by Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan at Semipalatinsk, a former nuclear test site in Kazakhstan. In addition to these NWFZ treaties, other agreements, including the Antarctic Treaty, the Outer Space Treaty, the Moon Agreement, and the Seabed Treaty denuclearize and demilitarize specific areas of the globe, as well as outer space. (Mongolia also declares itself, and is internationally recognized, as a single-state nuclear-weapon-free zone.)

Members of NWFZ treaties are obligated to use the nuclear material and facilities that are under their jurisdiction exclusively for peaceful purposes. Member states also undertake to prohibit and prevent the testing, use, manufacture, production, or acquisition by any means of any nuclear weapons. The storage, installation, deployment, and any form of possession of any nuclear weapons are also prohibited. The Treaties of Rarotonga, Bangkok, and Pelindaba prohibit dumping radioactive materials at sea anywhere within the zones.

NWFZs are tightly intertwined with the issue of negative security assurances. Nuclear weapon states (NWS) that have ratified the relevant protocols to NWFZ treaties undertake legally binding commitments to respect the status of these zones and not to use or threaten to use nuclear weapons against states parties to such treaties. At this stage, only the states parties to the Treaty of Tlatelolco enjoy legally binding negative security assurances from all the NWS, because all the NWS have ratified the relevant protocol to this treaty.

None of the NWS has signed the protocol to the Bangkok Treaty because they object to the inclusion of continental shelves and exclusive economic zones (EEZ) in the zone. They also argue that the terms of the treaty impinge on freedom of transit in the zone, which they contend is inconsistent with the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea. In addition, the NWS assert that the continental shelves and EEZ are not clearly defined in the South China Sea, creating ambiguity over the scope of the treaty and protocol obligations. The United States is also concerned about precise language of the protocol regarding legally binding negative security and the permissibility of port calls by ships which may carry nuclear weapons.

The security assurance protocol to the Pelindaba Treaty was ratified only by China, France, and the United Kingdom. The United States has signed the protocol, but it is pending ratification. When the United States signed the protocol, a U.S. official reiterated that the protocol will not limit the options available to the United States in response to any possible future attack by an African NWFZ party using WMD.


As justification for the use of nuclear weapons in such a case, the doctrine of "belligerent reprisal" is often cited. Belligerent reprisal allows states to retaliate against illegal acts by adversaries in wartime under the law of armed conflict. The only purpose of a reprisal is to induce the enemy to cease its illegal activity and to comply with the law of armed conflict. This U.S. policy has been criticized by some arms control specialists because it undermines the negative security assurances given to the member states of all the NWFZ treaties. Libya's announcement on December 19, 2003 that it would relinquish its entire WMD program under international verification may signal a shift that prompts the United States to move toward ratifying the protocol to the Pelindaba Treaty.

The first zone to be established entirely in the northern hemisphere, the CANWFZ is also strategically important in terms of counterterrorism. Progress toward its establishment was stalled, mainly by objections from three nuclear weapon states, namely, the United States, United Kingdom, and France.  Despite the oppositions from these states, the treaty was signed by all five Central Asian states.

Given the significance of the CANWFZ in terms of its geopolitical and security situation, the establishment of such a zone in the region shows strong commitment to nuclear nonproliferation and disarmament by these countries.  In addition to the political implications, the CANWFZ Treaty stipulates concrete provisions relevant to strengthening the regional and international nonproliferation regime.  The treaty obligates the Central Asian states to legally adhere to the Additional Protocol to the IAEA safeguards on their civilian nuclear facilities.  In addition, these countries are required to meet international standards for the physical protection of nuclear material.

With regard to future NWFZs, although NWFZs in the Middle East and South Asia have long been considered important goals by many states, the fact that Israel (in the Middle East) and India and Pakistan (in South Asia) have nuclear weapons outside the NPT has so far been a major stumbling block to establishing NWFZs in these regions. The 2000 NPT Review Conference Final Document requested a report on the implementation of the 1995 Resolution on the Middle East, which calls for the establishment of a Middle East zone free of nuclear weapons as well as other weapons of mass destruction. There has been no significant progress on the establishment of such a zone since 2000, however.

 

Chapter 5, page 9 of 11

This material is produced independently for NTI by the Center for Nonproliferation Studies at the Monterey Institute of International Studies and does not necessarily reflect the opinions of and has not been independently verified by NTI or its directors, officers, employees, agents.
Copyright © 2004 by MIIS.